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Answered By: Mudd Library Last Updated: Dec 18, 2023     Views: 3615

The Princeton University Archives located in the Seeley G. Mudd Manuscript Library is the official repository for Princeton University undergraduate senior theses from 1924 to the present. 

Digital and Original Format Senior Theses 

Members of the University community with an active NetID can access digital theses in Dataspace when connected to any Princeton-networked computer (if you’re not on campus, please first connect to the campus network via the GlobalProtect or SonicWall desktop applications).

Independent researchers who are not members of the University community (including Princeton alumni) should use the Library Catalog or  DataSpace to browse senior theses. 

Please create a Special Collections Research Account , if you don’t already have an active account, prior to submitting the Senior Thesis Order Form. In some cases we will be unable to digitize the senior thesis due to an embargo that prohibits digital access. Copyright of the theses are held by the author.

Senior Thesis Order Form  

Please note:  your order can only be fulfilled if you have completed the Senior Thesis Order Form and have a current Special Collections Research Account. Due to high volume, staff are unable to respond to requests without the necessary information.

Original Format Senior Theses - In person

• You are welcome to view senior theses that have not been scanned or born-digital in our reading room at  Mudd Library . No appointment is needed during our academic hours  which are Monday through Friday, 9:00 AM - 4:45 PM.   
• We recommend researchers create a Special Collections Research Account to submit online requests for material in advance of your visit. Material can be requested through the Princeton University Catalog . We encourage you to submit your requests in advance. Once you have arrived and been signed into the reading room, we will page up to 6 items at a time. If you are having any issues with registering or requesting materials, we can assist you by submitting an Ask Us!  or when you arrive in person. 

Please note : Researchers will be asked to show a photo ID such as a driver's license or academic/work ID upon arrival to Special Collections reading rooms. While it is not required at Mudd, we do recommend making your way to Firestone Library to obtain an Access Card as it will ease future visits. Should you not obtain an Access Card, you will need to show your photo ID at each visit to Mudd Library. Visitors to Firestone Library are required to obtain an Access Card to make it easy to enter the library's turnstiles. 

Laptops, cell phones, cameras and pencils are permitted in the reading room. All other personal belongings can be placed in one of our free, secure lockers. More information about reading room guidelines can be found on our website . If you have accessibility needs that will impact your ability to conduct your research effectively or comfortably, please don’t hesitate to let me know and our team will do our best to accommodate you.

For additional information, please visit Theses & Dissertations page of our website. Please direct any questions you may have to Special Collections staff via   Ask Us! .

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About DataSPACE

DataSpace is a digital repository meant for both archiving and publicly disseminating digital data that are the result of research, academic, or administrative work performed by members of the Princeton University community. DataSpace will promote awareness of the contents of the repository and help to ensure their long-term accessibility.

Benefits of using DataSpace to publish and archive your data include:

• Persistent URLs pointing to each submission will continue to work for years to come, even if the underlying data is migrated to another system
• Increases the visibility of your work
• Makes worldwide dissemination of your work easy
• Research datasets that are to be independently or to which other print publications make reference
• Student projects and reports
• Conference and workshop proceedings
• Technical reports
• Digital collections of images, videos, or other digital assets created by members of the University

Open Access to Content

Content stored in DataSpace will be made openly available to the public via the DataSpace website. DataSpace content will be organized into “Communities” which typically represent collections of content from academic and administrative departments at the University. Users can browse the collections within these communities by title, author, subject, or date of content submission. Users can also search the content within and across collections.

Submitting Your Content

• Be intended for public access
• Be a completed work
• Have potential long-term value (e.g. beyond 10 years)
• Be the result of work performed at or related to Princeton University

Before submitting your content, you must be a member of a Community defined in DataSpace. Communities correspond roughly to administrative departments, academic departments, or other long-lived organizational units at Princeton. The department or organizational unit must identify an administrator who will be responsible for reviewing content submissions for the Community.

Please contact the DataSpace administrators , if you are interested in providing content to DataSpace.

Policies & Guidelines

A more complete description of policies and guidelines governing the DataSpace service are available as a PDF document: DataSpace Policies and Guidelines .

University Archives

This blog includes text and images drawn from historical sources that may contain material that is offensive or harmful. We strive to accurately represent the past while being sensitive to the needs and concerns of our audience. If you have any feedback to share on this topic, please either comment on a relevant post, or use our Ask Us form to contact us .

Dissertations in Dataspace policy temporarily changed

The Graduate School’s policy of having dissertations submitted into DataSpace, the University’s Open Access repository, has been changed temporarily, pending resolution of some outstanding questions. David Redman, Associate Dean of the Graduate School, sent the following message out late today. If you have any questions, please contact us :

Dear Directors of Graduate Studies,

As many of you know, the Graduate School, working with the University Archives, established last fall new procedures for the submission of Ph.D. dissertations to ProQuest. Two significant changes were: a) agreeing to use ProQuest’s Electronic Theses and Dissertations (ETD) submission portal, which greatly speeded the ability of students to submit their dissertations; and b) eliminating the necessity of a second hard-bound copy of the dissertation in favor of storing an electronic copy of the dissertation on Princeton’s DataSpace and making the electronic “second copy” accessible there. One consequence of the second change was that our students’ dissertations became almost instantly accessible to anyone with a good search engine. In short, Princeton dissertations were “out there” in the world faster than we had imagined. This has caused some anxiety and distress among many of our new Ph.D.’s, so much so that we are amending our procedures in the following way.

By the end of this month, we will restrict access to doctoral dissertations in DataSpace to those on the Princeton.edu domain, that is, to on-campus users.

This is an interim and (we hope) relatively short term address to a larger problem of easy and fast access to Ph.D. dissertations at a time when students, particularly those in the humanities and social sciences, are anxious about their opportunities to publish their work and advance in their careers. The Graduate School has already had preliminary discussion with some members of the Policy Subcommittee about this issue and wants to continue the discussion with them about refining our policies and procedures.

Thank you for your interest in and concern about this issue. If you have any questions, please do not hesitate to call (x8-3902) or write me ( [email protected] ).

UPDATE: As of today, March 23, dissertations in DataSpace are now restricted to on-campus users only. However, please note that if Google has cached a PDF that it crawled previously, that PDF will remain in Google’s cache until Google expires it. That typically takes a couple of weeks, but that’s entirely up to Google.

UPDATE: As of November 5, all dissertations that have not been granted an embargo are available via Dataspace.

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Anthropology@Princeton

The anthropology of borders | an interview with new assistant professor amelia frank-vitale.

Amelia Frank-Vitale

Nikita Taniparti G2 interviews Assistant Professor Amelia Frank-Vitale , with a joint appointment in Anthropology and the School of Public and International Affairs

NT: Amelia, you’re no stranger to Princeton, so welcome back! Much of your research focuses on the politics of migration, immigration, and border places. As such, you’re also no stranger to interdisciplinary research and teaching. In what ways are you thinking about blending your research and teaching backgrounds in anthropology, human rights, political science, public policy, and Latin American regional studies? What ideas do you have for pursuing further interdisciplinary scholarship between the Department of Anthropology and the School of Public and International Affairs? 

AFV: Thank you! While my way of thinking and methodological approach is deeply, firmly, anthropological, my scholarship and teaching organically draw from multiple disciplines at least in part because there is just a longer history of immigration studies in disciplines outside anthropology. While drawing from that wealth of other scholarship, though, I think anthropology has a particularly powerful additional analytic position to add, especially considering our relative comfort in sitting with messiness, complexity, incoherence, and partial understandings. 

I was part of an interdisciplinary workshop on transit migration at the beginning of the year, one of just a few social scientists (and the lone anthropologist) among a group of mostly public health scholars and practitioners. We had all been working on such similar areas, with similar commitments, for a very long time, but we realized how rare it was to be in a space where we were speaking to each other, across disciplines in this way. There was a lot of eagerness from the practitioners and policy-adjacent scholars to hear from ethnographers, but spaces and channels for that to happen are not as prevalent as they could be. One of the things I hope to contribute to here is work on further translating the messiness of entangling with migration, in all its ethnographic richness, to be legible to an audience that is focused on policy interventions. 

I’m also eager to contribute to bringing anthropological ways of knowing the world to more SPIA students (and beyond). One way I hope to do this is to expand upon community engaged courses that I developed first here as a Postdoc and last year when I was teaching in the Human Rights Program at Barnard College. In these classes, students put into practice core anthropological skills, conduct theoretical and legal analysis, and connect all that to hands-on work with asylum seekers and in immigration court. Long term, I’d love to turn these classes into an ongoing, lab-type project that further connects Ant and SPIA students.

NT: More specifically on Latin American studies, your research presents new and unique perspectives on doing ethnographic work in Honduras and in various border areas in the region. You’ve written that “[m]igration in this context is an extraordinary leap of faith.” In what ways is ethnographic research itself, in this context, also an extraordinary leap of faith? What advice or insights do you have for scholars and students looking to conduct ethnographic research in similar contexts? 

AFV: One of the things that I think is a key component of good ethnographic research is accepting and embracing just how much is outside of the researcher’s control. So much insight is gleaned, I think, when we allow ourselves to relinquish control and design and instead follow the dynamics of the worlds in which we’ve chosen to place ourselves, in whatever directions that takes us. That can be anxiety-producing, of course, but is also often where the richest understandings are borne. I’m hesitant to link the kinds of leaps of faith that people who are engaging in unauthorized migration are making with what we do, as the scales of what is risked, of what might be on the other side of the endeavor are so very different. I suppose both of those things – being open to relinquishing control but also always being aware of the differentials of access to safety (and literal escape) while working with people who are marginalized (and in my case literally illegalized) – are key, co-constitutive, elements of advice I might offer. 

NT: In parallel with your scholarly publications and engagement, you’ve also written extensively in public outlets and prioritized publicly engaged anthropology. What lessons have you learned along the way about combining research and activism; academic research and public policy; ethnographic methods and politically charged issues? 

AFV: I think in some ways, this answer echoes my first answer. Anthropology should be more present in public discourse. We have the extraordinary privilege to be able to develop this unique, up close, fine grained, and slowly, deliberately, meticulously earned understanding of a place, a community, a social phenomenon. Ethnography is not always being translated towards public policy – but it should be! One of the things that I’m so excited about with this position is the encouragement from both departments to do work where policy and anthropology are intertwined in a more explicit and deliberate way. Moreover, I think we have a responsibility to share this kind of deep knowing with an audience beyond our academic circles.

One of the ways that I’ve found of doing this is to offer my knowledge as a country conditions expert in immigration court for Honduran nationals who are seeking asylum in the United States. Here, while the translation can be fraught, that up-close knowledge of society is gravely useful (as is classic anthropological understandings like kinship!). 

(I should add, people recently back from intensive fieldwork can often be the very best experts in this context – if any graduate students or post docs would be interested in exploring doing work in this manner, please come talk to me.) 

Finally, I came back to anthropology after many years as an activist and organizer. I always hope that my scholarship will have an impact, will be meaningful, will matter. That said, I think one of the lessons I’ve learned is to recognize that scholarship may have limited reach in terms of making change in the world, especially in the short term, while also believing deeply in the value of still doing the research and writing the book and documenting and analyzing and being part of this ongoing conversation. I think we should try to speak to a broader audience, but we never know who will read us, hear us, and what that will spark – and when that might happen. 

NT: Many people have misconceptions about borders, immigration, the asylum process, deportation, and related challenges. What are some misconceptions that your dissertation and recent research has helped clarify and explain? What are misconceptions that still need researching and dispelling? Why do you think some of these persist, and how can anthropology as a discipline help continue this demystification of them? 

AFV: There are so many! This is one example of how the up-close, fine grained, ethnographic perspective really forces us to think differently on an analytical level that should influence the policy level and public discourse. There is so much that is assumed about the people who get called smugglers – their criminality, their indifference to human life, their responsibility for so much of the headline-making violence that many who try to migrate are subjected to. They are assumed to be coercive, cajoling people into migrating, promising easy trips and bilking people out of their limited, precious resources. During my research, I’ve come to know quite a few people who would get labelled smugglers, and their profile is often quite different from the assumed figure. The “smugglers” I’ve come to know are deeply embedded in transnational communities of care and concern within an illicit economy of moving people across space where they are not authorized to be. I understand there are political expediencies to blaming migrant suffering on unscrupulous coyotes, but I also think the conflation of smugglers with force, criminality, and violence in public discourse does a disservice to well-meaning policy makers and others who do want to reduce risk. The ethnographically informed view tells us that many smugglers are also migrants and drawing a line between these two groups as though one were wholly separate from each other misunderstands the social process. The anthropological analysis also tells us that the existence of “smugglers” arises in response to the deepening militarization of immigration controls and  the enduring desire for people to try and find their way to someplace they imagine to be better and to do so as safely  as possible. Smugglers do not immediately represent danger for many; they represent the best chance at security. 

NT: You might not be surprised by this question, given the fact that this is an election year in the United States. You’ve written about the “fear” and “fervor” surrounding immigration and Trump in the 2020 national election. Dare I ask – is this time different? What does your research about affective futures about the American Dream suggest for the way we might understand the political undercurrents playing out currently? 

AFV: My reading of the political present is that the dynamics I identified in 2016 – the competing visions of an idea of who can make a claim on the idea of the American dream – has solidified somewhat to the side represented by Trump. It seems we are in a moment now where there is a public consensus against immigration in a way that was not apparent previously. This consensus is not at all based on “data” – now, as always, immigrants are not a drain on the economy. Now, as always, immigrants are not more likely to engage in criminal behavior compared to a native-born population. Now, as always, immigrants are not stealing jobs, they are not given generous handouts, they do not bleed social security, they are not voting in elections en masse, etc. etc. etc. I think the broader consensus around discomfort with immigration despite  data to refute all these claims does show how much this is an affective disposition – like so much in politics – that defies the idea that with “better” information people will change their opinion. The question here is, I think, what is going on beyond the surface conversation about “migrant crime” that produces this affective disposition? Why do people feel such pressing insecurity? Why do people feel that someone else is getting something handed to them (that they themselves have not been handed?) I am hopeful that the election result will not mirror 2016, but I am not at all convinced that that will actually result in more a humane immigration policy or one that is more honestly data-driven. 

NT: In addition to the unique interdisciplinary work you’re engaged in, your work also traverses the sub-fields within anthropology. Can you tell us more about your work across medical, legal, and environmental anthropology? Have you had to adapt your fieldwork and methods to be able to do this? What’s next on the horizon for your research? 

AFV: My work starts as soundly socio-cultural. Drawing from that work I started providing expertise in immigration court, and, in turn, that sparked new questions both in terms of new areas of life that I wanted to understand better in Honduras and in terms of new research that I wanted to undertake regarding the space of immigration court itself. Something that I am interested in going forward is precisely taking up the encounter within immigration court and how, in this space, multiple ideas of the law and justice crash into each other – ideas that people bring with them from their country of origin and the ideas they hold about what a court in the US is neither of which anticipate the non-court court of immigration court. 

NT: I have to ask, are you working towards a book project from your dissertation, “Leave if You’re Able?” If so, what are some highlights that we can look forward to? 

AFV: Yes! It’s very much in the works. Without giving away too much, the book really focuses in on how the expanding bordering regime in the Americas has shifted what the experience of deportation is like for many Central Americans, while stressing how much continuity of experience there is for young men on the urban margins in Honduras as their mobility is scrutinized and criminalized both at home and throughout the circuits of migration, detention, and deportation they traverse. Migrant caravans also figure heavily into the book, drawing from years of activism, organizing, and ethnographic accompaniment before and during dissertation-related fieldwork. 

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