famous speeches 19th century

10 of the Most Famous and Inspirational Speeches from History

By Dr Oliver Tearle (Loughborough University)

What makes a great and iconic speech? There are numerous examples of brilliant orators and speechmakers throughout history, from classical times to the present day. What the best speeches tend to have in common are more than just a solid intellectual argument: they have emotive power, or, for want of a more scholarly word, ‘heart’. Great speeches rouse us to action, or move us to tears – or both.

But of course, historic speeches are often also associated with landmark, or watershed, moments in a nation’s history: when Churchill delivered his series of wartime speeches to Britain in 1940, it was against the backdrop of a war which was still in its early, uncertain stages. And when Martin Luther King stood in front of the Lincoln Memorial in 1963, he was addressing a crowd who, like him, were marching for justice, freedom, and civil rights for African Americans.

Let’s take a closer look at ten of the best and most famous speeches from great moments in history.

Abraham Lincoln, ‘ Gettysburg Address ’ (1863).

The Gettysburg Address is one of the most famous speeches in American history, yet it was extremely short – just 268 words, or less than a page of text – and Abraham Lincoln, who gave the address, wasn’t even the top billing .

The US President Abraham Lincoln gave this short address at the dedication of the Soldiers’ National Cemetery in Gettysburg, Pennsylvania on 19 November 1863. At the time, the American Civil War was still raging, and the Battle of Gettysburg had been the bloodiest battle in the war, with an estimated 23,000 casualties.

Lincoln’s speech has been remembered while Edward Everett’s – the main speech delivered on that day – has long been forgotten because Lincoln eschewed the high-flown allusions and wordy style of most political orators of the nineteenth century. Instead, he addresses his audience in plain, homespun English that is immediately relatable and accessible.

Sojourner Truth, ‘ Ain’t I a Woman? ’ (1851).

Sometimes known as ‘Ar’n’t I a Woman?’, this is a speech which Sojourner Truth, a freed African slave living in the United States, delivered in 1851 at the Women’s Convention in Akron, Ohio. The women in attendance were being challenged to call for the right to vote.

In her speech, Sojourner Truth attempts to persuade the audience to give women the vote . As both an ex-slave and a woman, Sojourner Truth knew about the plight of both groups of people in the United States. Her speech shows her audience the times: change is coming, and it is time to give women the rights that should be theirs.

John Ball, ‘ Cast off the Yoke of Bondage ’ (1381).

The summer of 1381 was a time of unrest in England. The so-called ‘Peasants’ Revolt’, led by Wat Tyler (in actual fact, many of the leaders of the revolt were more well-to-do than your average peasant), gathered force until the rebels stormed London, executing a number of high-ranking officials, including the Archbishop of Canterbury and Lord Chancellor, Simon Sudbury.

Alongside Tyler, the priest John Ball was an important leading figure of the rebellion. His famous couplet, ‘When Adam delved and Eve span, / Who was then the gentleman?’ sums up the ethos of the Peasants’ Revolt: social inequality was unheard of until men created it.

Winston Churchill, ‘ We Shall Fight on the Beaches ’ (1940).

Winston Churchill had only recently assumed the role of UK Prime Minister when he gave the trio of wartime speeches which have gone down in history for their rhetorical skill and emotive power. This, for our money, is the best of the three.

Churchill gave this speech in the House of Commons on 4 June 1940. Having brought his listeners up to speed with what has happened, Churchill comes to the peroration of his speech : by far the most famous part. He reassures them that if nothing is neglected and all arrangements are made, he sees no reason why Britain cannot once more defend itself against invasion: something which, as an island nation, it has always been susceptible to by sea, and now by air.

Even if it takes years, and even if Britain must defend itself alone without any help from its allies, this is what must happen. Capitulation to the Nazis is not an option. The line ‘if necessary for years; if necessary, alone’ is sure to send a shiver down the spine, as is the way Churchill barks ‘we shall never surrender!’ in the post-war recording of the speech he made several years later.

William Faulkner, ‘ The Agony and the Sweat ’ (1950).

This is the title sometimes given to one of the most memorable Nobel Prize acceptance speeches: the American novelist William Faulkner’s acceptance of the Nobel Prize for Literature at Stockholm in 1950.

In his speech, Faulkner makes his famous statement about the ‘duty’ of writers: that they should write about ‘the human heart in conflict with itself’, as well as emotions and themes such as compassion, sacrifice, courage, and hope. He also emphasises that being a writer is hard work, and involves understanding human nature in all its complexity. But good writing should also remind readers what humankind is capable of.

Emmeline Pankhurst, ‘ The Plight of Women ’ (1908).

Pankhurst (1858-1928) was the leader of the British suffragettes, campaigning – and protesting – for votes for women. After she realised that Asquith’s Liberal government were unlikely to grand women the vote, the Women’s Social and Political Union, founded by Pankhurst with her daughter Christabel, turned to more militant tactics to shift public and parliamentary opinion.

Her emphasis in this speech is on the unhappy lot most women could face, in marriage and in motherhood. She also shows how ‘man-made’ the laws of England are, when they are biased in favour of men to the detriment of women’s rights.

This speech was given at the Portman Rooms in London in 1908; ten years later, towards the end of the First World War, women over 30 were finally given the vote. But it would be another ten years, in 1928 – the year of Pankhurst’s death – before the voting age for women was equal to that for men (21 years).

Franklin Roosevelt, ‘ The Only Thing We Have to Fear Is Fear Itself ’ (1933).

This is the title by which Roosevelt’s speech at his inauguration in 1933 has commonly become known, and it has attained the status of a proverb. Roosevelt was elected only a few years after the Wall Street Crash of 1929 which ushered in the Great Depression.

Roosevelt’s famous line in the speech, which offered hope to millions of Americans dealing with unemployment and poverty, was probably inspired by a line from Henry David Thoreau, a copy of whose writings FDR had been gifted shortly before his inauguration. The line about having nothing to fear except fear itself was, in fact, only added into the speech the day before the inauguration took place, but it ensured that the speech went down in history.

Marcus Tullius Cicero, ‘ Among Us You Can Dwell No Longer ’ (63 BC).

Of all of the great classical orators, perhaps the greatest of all was the Roman statesman, philosopher, and speechmaker, Cicero (whose name literally means ‘chickpea’).

This is probably his best-known speech. At the Temple of Jupiter in Rome, Cicero addressed the crowd, but specifically directed his comments towards Lucius Catiline, who was accused of plotting a conspiracy to set fire to the capital and stage and insurrection. The speech was considered such a fine example of Roman rhetoric that it was a favourite in classrooms for centuries after, as Brian MacArthur notes in The Penguin Book of Historic Speeches .

Queen Elizabeth I, ‘ The Heart and Stomach of a King ’ (1588).

Queen Elizabeth I’s speech to the troops at Tilbury is among the most famous and iconic speeches in English history. On 9 August 1588, Elizabeth addressed the land forces which had been mobilised at the port of Tilbury in Essex, in preparation for the expected invasion of England by the Spanish Armada.

When she gave this speech, Elizabeth was in her mid-fifties and her youthful beauty had faded. But she had learned rhetoric as a young princess, and this training served her well when she wrote and delivered this speech (she was also a fairly accomplished poet ).

She famously tells her troops: ‘I know I have the body but of a weak and feeble woman; but I have the heart and stomach of a king, and of a king of England too’. She acknowledged the fact that her body was naturally less masculine and strong than the average man’s, but it is not mere physical strength that will win the day. It is courage that matters.

Martin Luther King, ‘ I Have a Dream ’ (1963).

Let’s conclude this selection of the best inspirational speeches with the best-known of all of Martin Luther King’s speeches. The occasion for this piece of oratorical grandeur was the march on Washington , which saw some 210,000 men, women, and children gather at the Washington Monument in August 1963, before marching to the Lincoln Memorial. King reportedly stayed up until 4am the night before he was due to give the speech, writing it out.

King’s speech imagines a collective vision of a better and more equal America which is not only shared by many Black Americans, but by anyone who identifies with their fight against racial injustice, segregation, and discrimination.

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The first amendment, looking at 10 great speeches in american history.

August 28, 2017 | by NCC Staff

Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s “I Have A Dream” speech certainly ranks highly in the pantheon of public speaking. Here is a look at the Dream speech and other addresses that moved people – and history.

King’s “Dream” speech from August 28, 1963 topped the list, followed by John F. Kennedy’s 1961 inaugural address and Franklin Roosevelt’s first inaugural address in 1933. In fact, three of King’s speeches were included in the top 50 speeches listed by the experts.

The eclectic list included public speeches from Barbara Jordan, Richard Nixon, Malcom X and Ronald Reagan in the top 10 of the rankings.

Link : Read The List

Public speaking has played an important role in our country’s story. Here is a quick look at some of the landmark speeches that often pop up in the discussion about public rhetoric.

1. Patrick Henry. “ Give Me Liberty Or Give Me Death .” In March 1775, Henry spoke to a Virginia convention considering a breakaway from British rule. “The war is actually begun. The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms,” said Henry, who spoke without notes. “I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty, or give me death!”

2. George Washington’s first inaugural address . In 1789, the First President addressed the First Congress after his inauguration, setting the precedent for all inaugural speeches to follow. Washington enforced the need for the Constitution, concluding that “Parent of the Human Race  … has been pleased to favor the American people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquillity, and dispositions for deciding with unparalleled unanimity on a form of government for the security of their union and the advancement of their happiness.”

3. Frederick Douglass. “ The Hypocrisy Of American Slavery .” In 1852, Douglass was invited to speak at a public Fourth of July celebration in Rochester, N.Y. Instead of talking about the celebration, Douglass addressed the issue that was dividing the nation. “I will, in the name of humanity, which is outraged, in the name of liberty, which is fettered, in the name of the Constitution and the Bible, which are disregarded and trampled upon, dare to call in question and to denounce, with all the emphasis I can command, everything that serves to perpetuate slavery,” he said.

4. Abraham Lincoln. “ The Gettysburg Address .” The best known of Lincoln’s speeches was one of his shortest. Lincoln was asked to make a few remarks in November 1863 after featured speaker Edward Everett spoke for about two hours. “Fourscore and seven years ago our fathers brought forth, upon this continent, a new nation, conceived in liberty and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal,” Lincoln said in his opening paragraph. He spoke for two minutes.

5. William Jennings Bryan. “ Cross of Gold Speech .” A lesser-known contender for the Democratic presidential nomination in 1896, Bryan created a sensation with his speech that condemned the gold standard and held the promise of debt relief for farmers. “We shall answer their demands for a gold standard by saying to them, you shall not press down upon the brow of labor this crown of thorns. You shall not crucify mankind upon a cross of gold,” Bryan said with his arms spread in a crucifix-like position.

6. FDR’s first inaugural address . In 1933, the new President faced a nation in the grips of a deep economic recession. “First of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself -- nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance,” Roosevelt said as he opened his powerful speech. The inaugural set the agenda for FDR’s 12 years in office.

7. Richard Nixon’s Checkers speech . Facing controversy as a vice presidential candidate, Nixon showed how television could be used as a powerful communications tool. In a stroke of political genius, Nixon spoke to the nation about his family finances, and then said the only gift he wouldn’t return was Checkers, the family dog.

8. JFK’s first inaugural address . The well-written 1961 speech is considered one of the best inaugural speeches ever. Rhetoric expert Dr. Max Atkinson told the BBC in 2011 what made the Kennedy speech special. “Tt was the first inaugural address by a U.S. president to follow the first rule of speech-preparation: analyze your audience - or, to be more precise at a time when mass access to television was in its infancy, analyze your audiences.”

9. Dr. King’s “I Have A Dream” speech . King’s speech at the Lincoln Memorial in August 1963, in front of 250,000 people, is also one of the most-analyzed speeches in modern history. But King hadn’t included the sequence about the “Dream” in his prepared remarks. Singer Mahalia Jackson yelled for King to speak about “the Dream,” and King improvised based on remarks he had made in earlier speeches.

10. Ronald Reagan in Berlin . President Reagan appeared at the 750 th birthday celebration for Berlin in 1987, speaking about 100 yards away from the Berlin Wall. Reagan first cited President Kennedy’s famous 1963 speech in Berlin, and then asked, “General Secretary Gorbachev, if you seek peace, if you seek prosperity for the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, if you seek liberalization: Come here to this gate! Mr. Gorbachev, open this gate! Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall!” A Reagan speech writer later said the State Department didn’t want Reagan to use the famous line, but Reagan decided to do it anyway.

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Published on: July 3rd, 2020

15 Great Speeches to Remind America what Independence Day is About

This year we will celebrate the 244 th anniversary of American independence. This day does not only represent the creation of a new nation, but the creation of a new civilization, one founded on the principles of freedom, self-government, and equality. Here are 15 speeches to inspire new vigor for our founding principles. Looking at who and what we were will help us remember who and what we ought to be.

1. Patrick Henry, “Give Me Liberty or Give Me Death” 1775

Patrick Henry gave this speech in 1775 at the Virginia Convention. It took place only a few months after the assembly of the first Continental Congress had sent King George III a petition for the redress of grievances. Boston Harbor was also blockaded by the British in retaliation for the Boston Tea Party. Tensions were high, revolution seemed inevitable, but still many political leaders in Virginia held out hope that the relationship with Great Britain could be restored. Patrick Henry sought to dispel them of that notion.

Patrick Henry was a lawyer and had a reputation as one of the greatest opponents of British taxation. In this speech he argues passionately for independence. He made his case clear in the opening of his speech stating, “For my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery…” He chides the assembly for indulging in “illusions of hope” for passively waiting “to be betrayed with a kiss” and for falling prey to the siren songs of the British.

He reminds the assembly of the lengths the colonists have gone to in order to plead their case to the British, “We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament.” He then states how the British have received such outreach, “Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne.”

Next is Henry’s powerful call to action, a call that would galvanize the colonies into declaring independence from Great Britain:

In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained, we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of Hosts is all that is left us! … Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations; and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave… There is no retreat but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged! Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come. It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace, Peace but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!

Read Patrick’s entire speech . Watch Patrick’s speech on YouTube .

2. Samuel Adams, “On American Independence” 1776

Samuel Adams was a delegate to the First Continental Congress in 1774, was a Signer of the Declaration of Independence, helped get the Constitution ratified in the Massachusetts Convention, and became Governor of Massachusetts in 1794.

In this speech Adams recognizes that this was not simply a battle that would determine the fate of two nations, but the fate of the world at large. He declared, “Courage, then, my countrymen; our contest is not only whether we ourselves shall be free, but whether there shall be left to mankind an asylum on earth for civil and religious liberty.”

Adams notes the ability of men to “deliberately and voluntarily” form for themselves a political society. He cites John Hampden, John Locke, and Algernon Sidney whose ideas and actions paved the way for such a feat. Of this new founding he states:

Other nations have received their laws from conquerors; some are indebted for a constitution to the suffering of their ancestors through revolving centuries. The people of this country, alone, have formally and deliberately chosen a government for themselves, and with open and uninfluenced consent bound themselves into a social compact. Here no man proclaims his birth or wealth as a title to honorable distinction, or to sanctify ignorance and vice with the name of hereditary authority. He who has most zeal and ability to promote public felicity, let him be the servant of the public. This is the only line of distinction drawn by nature. Leave the bird of night to the obscurity for which nature intended him, and expect only from the eagle to brush the clouds with his wings and look boldly in the face of the sun.

He like Patrick Henry then gives a call to action:

We have no other alternative than independence, or the most ignominious and galling servitude. The legions of our enemies thicken on our plains; desolation and death mark their bloody career, while the mangled corpses of our countrymen seem to cry out to us as a voice from heaven.

Lastly, Adams ends his address declaring the people of America the guardians of their own liberty. Then with an ode to the ancient Roman republic he ends stating, “Nothing that we propose can pass into a law without your consent. Be yourselves, O Americans, the authors of those laws on which your happiness depends.”

You can read Samuel Adams' full speech .

3. John Quincy Adams, “An Address Celebrating the Declaration of Independence” 1821

Adams begins the speech recounting the first settlers of the Plymouth colony and how they entered into a written covenant with one another on the eve of their landing. Of this event he states,

Thus was a social compact formed upon the elementary principles of civil society, in which conquest and servitude had no part. The slough of brutal force was entirely cast off; all was voluntary; all was unbiased consent; all was the agreement of soul with soul.

Adams continues to trace America’s historical and political development throughout the speech. He recalls how the British mistreated the colonists from the beginning, citing how Britain went against its own ideas and principles in denying the colonists representation and consent. He states, “For the independence of North America, there were ample and sufficient causes in the laws of moral and physical nature.”

Adams’ ode to the Declaration of Independence is most worth reading:

It was the first solemn declaration by a nation of the only legitimate foundation of civil government. It was the corner stone of a new fabric, destined to cover the surface of the globe. It demolished at a stroke the lawfulness of all governments founded upon conquest. It swept away all the rubbish of accumulated centuries of servitude. It announced in practical form to the world the transcendent truth of the unalienable sovereignty of the people. It proved that the social compact was no figment of the imagination; but a real, solid, and sacred bond of the social union. From the day of this declaration, the people of North America were no longer the fragment of a distant empire, imploring justice and mercy from an inexorable master in another hemisphere. They were no longer children appealing in vain to the sympathies of a heartless mother; no longer subjects leaning upon the shattered columns of royal promises, and invoking the faith of parchment to secure their rights. They were a nation, asserting as of right, and maintaining by war, its own existence. A nation was born in a day. […] [T]hat a new civilization had come, a new spirit had arisen on this side of the Atlantic more advanced and more developed in its regard for the rights of the individual than that which characterized the Old World. Life in a new and open country had aspirations which could not be realized in any subordinate position. A separate establishment was ultimately inevitable. It had been decreed by the very laws of human nature. Man everywhere has an unconquerable desire to be the master of his own destiny.

Adams goes on to pronounce that the Declaration was more than the “mere secession of territory” and the “establishment of a nation.” No, these things have occurred before, but the Declaration of Independence not only liberated America but ennobled all of humanity, he stated. 

You can read John Quincy Adams' entire speech here .

  4. Daniel Webster “Speech at the laying of the cornerstone of the capitol,” July 4, 1851.

Daniel Webster was one of the most prominent lawyers in the 19 th century, arguing over 200 cases before the Supreme Court. He also represented New Hampshire and Massachusetts in Congress and was Secretary of State under three presidents. Webster is also known for his speech in Congress, called the Second Reply to Hayne, which derided the theory of nullification espoused by John C. Calhoun.

Webster’s speech on the occasion of laying the Capital building’s cornerstone had a patriotic tone, He begins with the celebratory declaration, “This is America! This is Washington! And this the Capitol of the United States!”

Of the Founding generation Webster stated,

The Muse inspiring our Fathers was the Genius of Liberty, all on fire with a sense of oppression, and a resolution to throw it off; the whole world was the stage and higher characters than princes trod it… how well the characters were cast, and how well each acted his part…

He went on to speak about the tremendous sacrifice the men who signed the Declaration paid. “It was sealed in blood,” he stated. Of the liberty that the Founding generation bestowed upon successive generations Webster said,

Every man’s heart swells within him; every man’s port and bearing becomes somewhat more proud and lofty, as he remembers that seventy-five years have rolled away, and that the great inheritance of liberty is still his; his undiminished and unimpaired; his in all its original glory’ his to enjoy’ his to protect; and his to transmit to future generations.

Finally, Webster made clear that American liberty is unique among nations,

I have said, gentlemen, that our inheritance is an inheritance of American liberty. That liberty is characteristic, peculiar, and altogether our own. Nothing like it existed in former times, nor was known in the most enlightened States of antiquity; while with us its principles have become interwoven into the minds of individual men… […] And, finally another most important part of the great fabric of American liberty is, that there shall be written constitutions, founded on the immediate authority of the people themselves, and regulating and restraining all the powers conferred upon Government, whether legislative, executive, or judicial.

You can read Daniel Webster's entire speech here .

5. Frederick Douglass, “What to the slave is the 4 th of July?”  July 5, 1852

He spoke about the Founding Fathers as men of courage who “preferred revolution to peaceful submission to bondage.” Of the “fathers of this republic” he said, “They were statesmen, patriots and heroes, and for the good they did, and the principles they contended for, I will unite with you to honor their memory.”

Drawing a contrast between the Founders and the men of his generation advocating the positive good of slavery Douglass stated,

They believed in order; but not in the order of tyranny. With them, nothing was “settled” that was not right. With them, justice, liberty and humanity were “final;” not slavery and oppression. You may well cherish the memory of such men. They were great in their day and generation. Their solid manhood stands out the more as we contrast it with these degenerate times.

Douglass encouraged Americans to celebrate the Declaration as the ring-bolt to the chains of the United Sates’ destiny. “The principles contained in that instrument are saving principles. Stand by those principles, be true to them on all occasions, in all places, against all foes, and at whatever cost,” he stated.

Douglass then rightly points out that America was not living up to its own ideals as laid out in the Declaration when it came to the millions of black men and women still enslaved. He stated,

Fellow-citizens, pardon me, allow me to ask, why am I called upon to speak here to-day? What have I, or those I represent, to do with your national independence? Are the great principles of political freedom and of natural justice, embodied in that Declaration of Independence, extended to us? and am I, therefore, called upon to bring our humble offering to the national altar, and to confess the benefits and express devout gratitude for the blessings resulting from your independence to us?

Of Slavery’s effects on the American union he declared, “It fetters your progress; it is the enemy of improvement, the deadly foe of education; it fosters pride; it breeds insolence; it promotes vice; it shelters crime; it is a curse to the earth that supports it…”

He goes on to explain that this anniversary does not yet include black men and women. He stated, “The rich inheritance of justice, liberty, prosperity and independence, bequeathed by your fathers, is shared by you, not by me.” Yet Douglass was optimistic that this would soon change. He called the Constitution a “GLORIOUS LIBERTY DOCUMENT.” He exhorted the assembly to consider the Constitution’s preamble and ask themselves if slavery was listed as one of its purposes.

He finished his momentous speech by saying, 

Allow me to say, in conclusion, notwithstanding the dark picture I have this day presented of the state of the nation, I do not despair of this country. There are forces in operation, which must inevitably work the downfall of slavery. “The arm of the Lord is not shortened,” and the doom of slavery is certain. I, therefore, leave off where I began, with hope. While drawing encouragement from the Declaration of Independence, the great principles it contains, and the genius of American Institutions, my spirit is also cheered by the obvious tendencies of the age.

You can read Frederick Douglass' entire speech here .

6. Abraham Lincoln, Electric Cord Speech, 1858

In this speech often titled, “Speech at Chicago, Illinois” Abraham Lincoln replies to Senator Stephen Douglas’ conception of popular sovereignty. This was a theory that argued that each new territory should be able to decide whether or not to have slavery within their borders instead of allowing the federal government to decide. Lincoln saw this as a repeal of the Missouri Compromise which kept slavery relegated to the South.

To make his case against popular sovereignty and the expansion of slavery Lincoln argues that the adopters of the Constitution decreed that slavery should not go into the new territory and that the slave trade should be cut off within twenty years by an act of Congress. “What were [these provisions] but a clear indication that the framers of the Constitution intended and expected the ultimate extinction of that institution,” Lincoln asked the crowd.

After expounding upon the evils of slavery and recent actions to preserve the institution Lincoln turns to the Declaration of Independence for support. He stated,

We hold this annual celebration to remind ourselves of all the good done in this process of time of how it was done and who did it, and how we are historically connected with it; and we go from these meetings in better humor with ourselves—we feel more attached the one to the other and more firmly bound to the country we inhabit. In every way we are better men in the age, and race, and country in which we live for these celebrations. But after we have done all this we have not yet reached the whole. There is something else connected with it. We have besides these men—descended by blood from our ancestors—among us perhaps half our people who are not descendants at all of these men, they are men who have come from Europe—German, Irish, French and Scandinavian—men that have come from Europe themselves, or whose ancestors have come hither and settled here, finding themselves our equals in all things. If they look back through this history to trace their connection with those days by blood, they find they have none, they cannot carry themselves back into that glorious epoch and make themselves feel that they are part of us, but when they look through that old Declaration of Independence they find that those old men say that “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal,” and then they feel that that moral sentiment taught in that day evidences their relation to those men, that it is the father of all moral principle in them, and that they have a right to claim it as though they were blood of the blood, and flesh of the flesh of the men who wrote that Declaration, (loud and long continued applause) and so they are. That is the electric cord in that Declaration that links the hearts of patriotic and liberty-loving men together, that will link those patriotic hearts as long as the love of freedom exists in the minds of men throughout the world.

You can read the entire Electric Cord speech here .

7. Abraham Lincoln, Address in Independence Hall, February 22, 1861

On Abraham Lincoln's inaugural journey to Washington as president-elect, he stopped in Philadelphia at the site where the Declaration of Independence had been signed. There he said,

I have never had a feeling politically that did not spring from the sentiments embodied in the Declaration of Independence. I have often pondered over the dangers which were incurred by the men who assembled here, and framed and adopted that Declaration of Independence. I have pondered over the toils that were endured by the officers and soldiers of the army who achieved that Independence. I have often inquired of myself, what great principle or idea it was that kept this Confederacy so long together. It was not the mere matter of the separation of the Colonies from the motherland; but that sentiment in the Declaration of Independence which gave liberty, not alone to the people of this country, but, I hope, to the world, for all future time. It was that which gave promise that in due time the weight would be lifted from the shoulders of all men. This is a sentiment embodied in the Declaration of Independence.

You can read the entire address in Independence Hall here .

8. Abraham Lincoln, Fragments on the Constitution and Union, January 1, 1861

This short selection is not part of Lincoln’s tome of public speeches. One theory is that Lincoln wrote it while composing his first inaugural address. It is noteworthy because of Lincoln’s argument that what is most important about America are the principles and ideals it was founded upon. That principle, he states, is “Liberty to all.”

The  expression  of that principle, in our Declaration of Independence, was most happy, and fortunate.  Without  this, as well as  with  it, we could have declared our independence of Great Britain; but  without  it, we could not, I think, have secured our free government, and consequent prosperity. No oppressed, people will  fight,  and  endure,  as our fathers did, without the promise of something better, than a mere change of masters. The assertion of that principle, at that time, was the word, “fitly spoken” which has proved an “apple of gold” to us. The Union, and the Constitution, are the picture of silver, subsequently framed around it. The picture was made, not to conceal, or destroy the apple; but to adorn, and preserve it. The picture was made for the apple–not the apple for the picture.

Read the entire Fragments on the Constitution and Union selection here .

9. Abraham Lincoln, The Gettysburg Address, November 19, 1863

Aside from our original founding documents the Gettysburg address is perhaps the most important American creed ever written. It signifies America’s second founding or the moment our first founding more fully aligned with its own ideals. Since its decree America has begun to live in what Lincoln called “a new birth of freedom.” Here are selections from the address:

Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth, upon this continent, a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal. […] It is rather for us, the living, we here be dedicated to the great task remaining before us that, from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they here, gave the last full measure of devotion that we here highly resolve these dead shall not have died in vain; that the nation, shall have a new birth of freedom, and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.

You can read the full Gettysburg Address here .

10. Winston Churchill, “The Third Great Title-Deed of Anglo-American Liberties” July 4, 1918

A great harmony exists between the spirit and language of the Declaration of Independence and all we are fighting for now. A similar harmony exists between the principles of that Declaration and all that the British people have wished to stand for, and have in fact achieved at last both here at home and in the self-governing Dominions of the Crown. The Declaration of Independence is not only an American document. It follows on Magna Carta and the Bill of Rights as the third great title-deed on which the liberties of the English-speaking people are founded.

Read Churchill's entire speech here .

11. Calvin Coolidge, “Speech on the 150 th Anniversary of the Declaration of Independence, July 5 1926

 Calvin Coolidge, the 30 th president of the United States, was sworn in after President Harding’s unexpected death. Harding’s administration was steeped in scandal. Coolidge is known for restoring integrity to the executive branch by rooting out corruption and being a model of integrity.

Coolidge gave his Fourth of July Speech in Philadelphia, the birthplace of our nation. There he pointed to the Liberty Bell as a great American symbol,

It is little wonder that people at home and abroad consider Independence Hall as hallowed ground and revere the Liberty Bell as a sacred relic. That pile of bricks and mortar, that mass of metal, might appear to the uninstructed as only the outgrown meeting place and the shattered bell of a former time, useless now because of more modern conveniences, but to those who know they have become consecrated by the use which men have made of them. They have long been identified with a great cause. They are the framework of a spiritual event.

Of the Declaration Coolidge stated,

It was not because it was proposed to establish a new nation, but because it was proposed to establish a nation on new principles, that July 4, 1776, has come to be regarded as one of the greatest days in history. Great ideas do not burst upon the world unannounced. They are reached by a gradual development over a length of time usually proportionate to their importance. This is especially true of the principles laid down in the Declaration of Independence. Three very definite propositions were set out in its preamble regarding the nature of mankind and therefore of government. These were the doctrine that all men are created equal, that they are endowed with certain inalienable rights, and that therefore the source of the just powers of government must be derived from the consent of the governed.

Of his trust in our Founding documents he said,

It is not so much, then, for the purpose of undertaking to proclaim new theories and principles that this annual celebration is maintained, but rather to reaffirm and reestablish those old theories and principles which time and the unerring logic of events have demonstrated to be sound. Amid all the clash of conflicting interests, amid all the welter of partisan politics, every American can turn for solace and consolation to the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution of the United States with the assurance and confidence that those two great charters of freedom and justice remain firm and unshaken. Whatever perils appear, whatever dangers threaten, the Nation remains secure in the knowledge that the ultimate application of the law of the land will provide an adequate defense and protection.

Read Coolidge's full speech here .

12. John F. Kennedy, “Some Elements of the American Character” July 4, 1946

John F. Kennedy gave this speech as a candidate for Congress. In it he offers a robust defense of America’s founding. He lauds America’s religious character and derides the theory that America’s founders were concerned purely with economic interests. He explicitly states,

In recent years, the existence of this element in the American character has been challenged by those who seek to give an economic interpretation to American history. They seek to destroy our faith in our past so that they may guide our future. These cynics are wrong…

 Kennedy instead argues,

In Revolutionary times, the cry "No taxation without representation" was not an economic complaint. Rather, it was directly traceable to the eminently fair and just principle that no sovereign power has the right to govern without the consent of the governed. Anything short of that was tyranny. It was against this tyranny that the colonists "fired the shot heard 'round the world."

Kennedy then espouses a political theory of the American founding that relies on natural rights, 

The American Constitution has set down for all men to see the essentially Christian and American principle that there are certain rights held by every man which no government and no majority, however powerful, can deny. Conceived in Grecian thought, strengthened by Christian morality, and stamped indelibly into American political philosophy, the right of the individual against the State is the keystone of our Constitution. Each man is free.

You can read John F. Kennedy's full speech here .

13. Martin Luther King Jr., “I Have a Dream” 1963

Martin Luther King Jr.’s “I Have a Dream Speech” is another great cry from another great man declaring that America was not living up to its founding principles.

King begins his speech by harkening back to Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation. He states, “This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice.” Yet, he argues, 100 years later black men and women are still not free. To right this wrong, he points to the Declaration,

In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."

King refused to believe that there was no hope. He said,

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

King’s dream inspired a nation to live up to its ideals. His beautiful words have become iconic,

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."

 You can read and listen to "I Have a Dream" in full here .

14. Martin Luther King Jr. “The American Dream” Sermon Delivered at Ebenezar Baptist Church” July 4, 1965

In this sermon delivered on July 4, 1965, Martin Luther King Jr. locates the substance of the American dream within the Declaration of Independence. About the statement, “All men are created equal,” King states, “The first saying we notice in this dream is an amazing universalism. It doesn’t say “some men,” it says “all men.”

King goes on to explain to the congregation what separates the United States from other nations around the world.

 Then that dream goes on to say another thing that ultimately distinguishes our nation and our form of government from any totalitarian system in the world. It says that each of us has certain basic rights that are neither derived from or conferred by the state.

As the source of these inalienable rights King points to the fact that they are God-given. “Never before in the history of the world has a sociopolitical document expressed in such profound, eloquent, and unequivocal language the dignity and the worth of human personality,” he said.

King goes on to point out that America has not lived up to this dream. He describes America as being “divided against herself.” He argues that America cannot afford an “anemic democracy.”

He however professed hope that this dream will challenge America to remember her “noble capacity for justice and love and brotherhood.” He further challenged America to respect the “dignity and worth of all human personality” and to live up to the ideal that “all men are created equal.”

King clarifies that equality does not mean that every musician is a Mozart or every philosopher an Aristotle, but that all men are “equal in intrinsic worth.” He points to the Biblical concept of imago dei . He states, “[T]are no gradations in the image of God. Every man from a treble white to a bass black is significant on God’s keyboard, precisely because every man is made in the image of God. He ends his sermon with these powerful words,

We have a dream. It started way back in 1776, and God grant that America will be true to her dream. I still have a dream this morning that truth will reign supreme and all of God’s children will respect the dignity and worth of human personality. And when this day comes the morning stars will sing together and the sons of God will shout for joy.

Read Martin Luther King Jr.'s full sermon here .

15. Ronald Reagan, “Address to the Nation on Independence Day” July 4, 1986

In this speech Reagan recalls the moment of the signing of the Declaration,

Fifty-six men came forward to sign the parchment. It was noted at the time that they pledged their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honors. And that was more than rhetoric; each of those men knew the penalty for high treason to the Crown. ``We must all hang together,'' Benjamin Franklin said, ``or, assuredly, we will all hang separately.'' And John Hancock, it is said, wrote his signature in large script so King George could see it without his spectacles. They were brave. They stayed brave through all the bloodshed of the coming years. Their courage created a nation built on a universal claim to human dignity, on the proposition that every man, woman, and child had a right to a future of freedom.

Reagan also talked about the beautiful friendship between Thomas Jefferson and John Adams. He noted how they died on the same day, July 4 th , exactly 50 years after the signing of the Declaration of Independence. It was their first gift to us, Reagan said.

My fellow Americans, it falls to us to keep faith with them and all the great Americans of our past. Believe me, if there's one impression I carry with me after the privilege of holding for 5 ½ years the office held by Adams and Jefferson and Lincoln, it is this: that the things that unite us -- America's past of which we're so proud, our hopes and aspirations for the future of the world and this much-loved country -- these things far outweigh what little divides us. And so tonight we reaffirm that Jew and gentile, we are one nation under God; that black and white, we are one nation indivisible; that Republican and Democrat, we are all Americans. Tonight, with heart and hand, through whatever trial and travail, we pledge ourselves to each other and to the cause of human freedom, the cause that has given light to this land and hope to the world.

You can watch Ronald Reagan's speech here or read Reagan's speech here .

About Hillsdale in D.C.

Hillsdale in D.C. is an extension of the teaching mission of Hillsdale College to Washington, D.C. Its purpose is to teach the Constitution and the principles that give it meaning. Through the study of original source documents from American history—and of older books that formed the education of America’s founders—it seeks to inspire students, teachers, citizens, and policymakers to return the America’s principles to their central place in the political life of the nation.

About Hillsdale College

Hillsdale College is an independent liberal arts college located in southern Michigan. Founded in 1844, the College has built a national reputation through its classical liberal arts core curriculum and its principled refusal to accept federal or state taxpayer subsidies, even indirectly in the form of student grants or loans. It also conducts an outreach effort promoting civil and religious liberty, including a free monthly speech digest, Imprimis , with a circulation of more than 5.7 million. For more information, visit hillsdale.edu .

Abraham Lincoln's Greatest Speeches

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Abraham Lincoln's ability to write and deliver great speeches made him a rising star in national politics and propelled him to the White House.

And during his years in office, classic speeches, especially the Gettysburg Address and Lincoln 's Second Inaugural Address, helped to establish him as one of the greatest American presidents.

Follow the links below to read more about Lincoln's greatest speeches.

Lincoln's Lyceum Address

Addressing a local chapter of the American Lyceum Movement in Springfield, Illinois, a 28-year-old Lincoln delivered a surprisingly ambitious speech on a cold winter night in 1838.

The speech was entitled "The Perpetuation of Our Political Institutions," and Lincoln, who had just been elected to local political office, spoke on matters of great national significance. He made allusions to a recent act of mob violence in Illinois, and also addressed the issue of enslavement.

Though Lincoln was talking to a smalltown audience of friends and neighbors, he seemed to have ambitions beyond Springfield and his position as a state representative.

The "House Divided" Speech

When Lincoln was nominated to be the candidate of the Illinois Republican Party for U.S. Senate he delivered a speech at the state convention on June 16, 1858. Reflecting the beliefs of his party at the time, the opposition to the spread of enslavement, he intended to speak of how the nation had pro-slavery states and free states. He wanted to use a phrase that his listeners would find familiar, so he utilized a quote from the Bible: "A house divided against itself cannot stand."

His speech is remembered as an eloquent statement of principles, yet it was criticized at the time. Some friends of Lincoln's thought the Biblical quote was inappropriate. His law partner had even advised him not to use it. But Lincoln trusted his instincts. He lost the election for Senate that year to the powerful incumbent, Stephen Douglas. But his speech that night in 1858 became memorable and may have helped him in his run for the presidency two years later.

Lincoln's Address at Cooper Union

In late February 1860, Abraham Lincoln took a series of trains from Springfield, Illinois to New York City. He had been invited to speak to a gathering of the Republican Party , a fairly new political party that was opposed to the spread of enslavement.

Lincoln had gained some fame while debating Stephen A. Douglas two years earlier in a Senate race in Illinois. But he was essentially unknown in the East. The speech he delivered at Cooper Union on February 27, 1860, would make him an overnight star, elevating him to the level of running for president.

Lincoln's First Inaugural Address

Abraham Lincoln's first inaugural address was delivered under circumstances never seen before or since, as the country was literally coming apart. Following Lincoln's election in November 1860 , pro-slavery states, outraged by his victory, began threatening to secede.

South Carolina left the Union in late December, and other states followed. By the time Lincoln delivered his inaugural address, he was facing the prospect of governing a fractured nation. Lincoln gave an intelligent speech, which was praised in the North and reviled in the South. And within a month the nation was at war.

The Gettysburg Address

In late 1863 President Lincoln was invited to give a brief address at the dedication of a military cemetery on the site of the Battle of Gettysburg , which had been fought the previous July.

Lincoln chose the occasion to make a major statement on the war, emphasizing that it was a just cause. His remarks were always intended to be fairly brief, and in crafting the speech Lincoln created a masterpiece of concise writing.

The entire text of the Gettysburg Address is less than 300 words, but it carried enormous impact, and remains one of the most quoted speeches in human history.

Lincoln's Second Inaugural Address

Abraham Lincoln delivered his second inaugural address in March 1865, as the Civil War was reaching its end. With victory within sight, Lincoln was magnanimous, and issued a call for national reconciliation.

Lincoln's second inaugural stands as probably the best inaugural address ever, as well as being one of the best speeches ever delivered in the United States. The final paragraph, a single sentence beginning, "With malice toward none, with charity toward all..." is one of the most passages ever said by Abraham Lincoln.

He did not live to see the America he envisioned after the Civil War. Six weeks after delivering his brilliant speech, he was assassinated at Ford's Theatre.

Other Writings by Abraham Lincoln

Beyond his major speeches, Abraham Lincoln exhibited great facility with the language in other forums.

• The Lincoln-Douglas Debates were held in Illinois throughout the summer of 1858 as Lincoln ran for a U.S. Senate seat held by Stephen A. Douglas . In the series of seven debates each man would speak for up to an hour, so the format would be more like a speech than any debate we would see in modern times. Lincoln got off to a shaky start in the first debate, but eventually found his footing, and became, in the crucible of debating the skillful Douglas, an accomplished public speaker.
• The Emancipation Proclamation was written by Abraham Lincoln and signed into law on January 1, 1863. Lincoln had been waiting for a Union victory he felt would give him political clout to issue a proclamation freeing enslaved people, and turning back a Confederate invasion of the North at Antietam in September 1862 provided the desired circumstances. The Emancipation Proclamation did not actually free many enslaved people, as it only applied to enslaved people in states in rebellion to the United States, and it couldn't be enforced until territory was secured by the Union Army.
• Lincoln's proclamation of a National Day of Thanksgiving would not be considered a major piece of writing, yet it nicely illustrates Lincoln's style of expression. Lincoln was essentially lobbied to issue the proclamation by the editor of a popular magazine for women. And in the document, Lincoln reflects on the hardships of the war and encourages the nation to take a day off for reflection.
• How the Obama and Lincoln Presidencies Were Similar
• Lincoln's Cooper Union Address
• Abraham Lincoln and the Gettysburg Address
• 7 Facts About the Lincoln-Douglas Debates
• Presidents Who Served After the Civil War
• Election of 1860: Lincoln Became President at Time of Crisis
• Quotes from Abraham Lincoln
• Biography of Abraham Lincoln, 16th President of the United States
• The Five Best Inaugural Addresses of the 19th Century
• Lincoln's Traveling Funeral
• Abraham Lincoln's 1838 Lyceum Address
• Timeline: Early Life of Abraham Lincoln
• The Lincoln-Douglas Debates of 1858
• Abraham Lincoln and the Telegraph
• Biography of Andrew Johnson, 17th President of the United States
• Abraham Lincoln Quotations Everyone Should Know

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History Hit Story of England: Making of a Nation

6 of the Most Important Speeches in History

Sarah Roller

07 oct 2020, @sarahroller8.

What makes a good speech? Timing, content, humour, eloquence. But what makes a great speech, an important speech, an era-defining speech? This requires masterful oratory, the ability to convey a message with passion and emotion, one which those listening will not forget. A speech which inspires action and brings about change. We’ve rounded up six speeches in history which caused major changes, both in action and thought.

Pope Urban II – Speech at Clermont (1095)

The exact words spoken by Pope Urban II in November 1095 have been lost to history – several medieval writers have offered their versions, all varying somewhat. However, the impact of Pope Urban’s speech was monumental: the speech included the call to arms which launched the First Crusade .

Several versions of the speech use highly emotive language to refer to the ‘base and bastard Turks’ who ‘torture Christians’ and destroy churches. Whether or not Urban used words to this effect is unclear, but large swatches of men from across Europe took up the call to crusade, and embarked on treacherous journeys to the Middle East to fight in the name of Christendom.

Frederick Douglass – What to the Slave is the 4 th of July? (1852)

One of the more poignant speeches in American history, Frederick Douglass was born a slave, but rose to prominence as an abolitionist. Addressing his audience on 5 th July, deliberately choosing the day after celebrations for American independence day, Douglass highlighted the injustice and hypocrisy of celebrating ‘independence’ whilst slavery was still legal.

It took another 13 years for the Emancipation Proclamation to finally be declared. Douglass’ speech was a hit, and printed copies of it were sold immediately after it was given, ensuring its circulation across the country. Today it can be seen as a powerful reminder of the injustices and contradictions in politics around the world.

Frederick Douglass

Emmeline Pankhurst – Freedom or Death (1913)

  In 1903, Emmeline Pankhurst founded the Women’s Social and Political Union (WSPU), determined to make progress on the issues of women’s suffrage after years of debates which had achieved nothing.

Delivered in Hartford, Connecticut in 1913 on a fundraising tour, Emmeline Pankhurst’s ‘Freedom or Death’ speech remains an incredibly powerful summary of the cause she dedicated her life to, as she highlighted why women were fighting for equality under the law, and why this battle had turned militant.

  Winston Churchill – We Shall Fight on the Beaches (1940)

Churchill’s 1940 speech is widely considered to be one of the most iconic and rousing addresses of the Second World War . This speech was given to the House of Commons – at the time, it was not broadcast through any wider medium, and it was only eventually in 1949 that he made a recording, at the wishes of the BBC.

The speech itself was important – not just for Churchill, who had only recently been elected Prime Minister – but also because America was yet to enter the war. Churchill knew England needed a powerful ally, and his words were designed to elicit a sense of security in Britain’s absolute commitment and determination to win the war.

The lines ‘We shall fight on the beaches, we shall fight on the landing grounds, we shall fight in the fields and in the streets, we shall fight in the hills; we shall never surrender’ have been quoted repeatedly since, and are seen by many to epitomise British “Blitz spirit”.

Winston Churchill, in a picture nicknamed ‘The Roaring Lion’. Image credit: Public Domain

Mahatma Gandhi – Quit India (1942)

Given in 1942, on the eve of the Quit India movement, Gandhi’s speech called for Indian independence and set out his desire for committed passive resistance to British imperialism. By this point, India had already provided over 1 million soldiers to Allied powers, as well as large numbers of exports.

Gandhi’s speech saw the Indian National Congress agree that there should be a mass non-violent resistance movement against the British – resulting in the subsequent arrest of Gandhi and many other Congress members.

The ‘do or die’ nature of the speech, made on the eve of the movement which did eventually result in the 1947 Indian Independence Act, has cemented its place in history as one of the most importance speeches, particularly in terms of its political consequences.

Studio photograph of Mohandas K. Gandhi, London, 1931. Image credit: Public Domain

Martin Luther King – I Have A Dream (1963)

Undoubtedly one of the most famous speeches in history, when Martin Luther King took to the podium in August 1963, he cannot have known exactly how powerful his words would prove. Speaking to a crowd of 250,000 at the Lincoln Memorial, Washington D.C., King’s words have been echoed by those fighting for social justice across the world.

Moreover, the speech is full of allusions to biblical, literary, and historical texts, grounding King’s dream firmly in recognized and familiar rhetoric and stories. However, it was not just the words which made this speech so memorable – King’s skill as an orator ensured that the passion and urgency of his words were fully conveyed to his audience.

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American Speeches: Political Oratory from the Revolution to the Civil War

“These speeches are part of our national heritage, just as much as our Constitution and the Bill of Rights. They should be studied and celebrated!” — President Bill Clinton

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The history of American oratory exhibits, in the words of William F. Buckley, “powerful ignition points for hot flashes of indignation, contempt, rage, veneration and yearning.” This volume (the second of an unprecedented two-volume collection) gathers the unabridged texts of 83 eloquent and dramatic speeches delivered by 45 American public figures between 1865 and 1997, beginning with Abraham Lincoln’s last speech on Reconstruction and ending with Bill Clinton’s heartfelt tribute to the Little Rock Nine. During this period American political oratory continued to evolve, as a more conversational style, influenced by the intimacy of radio and television, emerged alongside traditional forms of rhetoric.

Included are speeches on Reconstruction by Thaddeus Stevens and African-American congressman Robert Brown Elliott, Frederick Douglass’s brilliant oration on Abraham Lincoln, and Oliver Wendell Holmes’s “touched with fire” Memorial Day Address. Speeches by Robert Ingersoll and William Jennings Bryan capture the fervor of 19th-century political conventions, while Theodore Roosevelt and Carl Schurz offer opposing views on imperialism. Ida B. Wells and Mary Church Terrell denounce the cruelty of lynching and the injustice of Jim Crow; Susan B. Anthony, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, and Carrie Chapman Catt advocate the enfranchisement of women; and Woodrow Wilson and Henry Cabot Lodge present conflicting visions of the League of Nations.

Also included are wartime speeches by George Patton and Dwight Eisenhower; an address on the atomic bomb by J. Robert Oppenheimer; Richard Nixon’s “Checkers Speech;” Malcolm X’s “The Ballot or the Bullet;” Barry Goldwater’s speech to the 1964 Republican convention; Mario Savio urging Berkeley students to stop “the machine;” Barbara Jordan defending the Constitution during Watergate; and an extensive selection of speeches by Franklin Roosevelt, Martin Luther King, John F. Kennedy, and Ronald Reagan.

Each volume contains biographical and explanatory notes, and an index

Ted Widmer , editor, is the Beatrice and Julio Mario Santo Domingo Director and Librarian of the John Carter Brown Library at Brown University and the author of Martin Van Buren in The American Presidents Series and of Young America: The Flowering of Democracy in New York City . He was director of speechwriting at the National Security Council and a senior advisor to President Clinton from 1997 to 2001.

Project support for this volume was provided by The Achelis Foundation and The Bodman Foundation.

American Speeches: Political Oratory from Abraham Lincoln to Bill Clinton is kept in print by a gift from The Berkley Foundation to the Guardians of American Letters Fund .

“It’s nice to be reminded that American politics has arguably the richest oratorical tradition in the history of Western tradition.” — Los Angeles Times

Ranging from finely honed legal argument to wry and sometimes savage humor to political rhetoric of unsurpassed grandeur, the writings collected in this volume are at once a literary testament of the greatest writer ever to occupy the White House and a documentary history of America in Abraham Lincoln’s time. They record Lincoln’s campaigns for public office; the evolution of his stand against slavery; his electrifying debates with Stephen Douglas; his conduct of the Civil War; and the great public utterances of his presidency, including the Gettysburg Address and the First and Second Inaugurals.

Gore Vidal is an American novelist, screenwriter, playwright, and essayist, whose many best-selling works include The City and the Pillar , Myra Breckinridge , Burr , Lincoln , 1876 , and, most recently, Point to Point Navigation: A Memoir . In 1993, he won the National Book Award for his collection of essays, United States 1952–1992.

Pulitzer Prize–winning historian Gordon S. Wood presents a landmark two-volume edition of the political debate that led to independence. A contest of words between Americans and Britons and among the colonists themselves, this debate was carried on largely in inexpensive pamphlets—the galvanizing medium of their day. Those concerned with the American controversy number well over a thousand, and they cover all of the most fundamental concerns of politics—the nature of power, liberty, representation, rights and constitutions, the division of authority between different spheres of government, and sovereignty.

This unprecedented collection gathers in two authoritative Library of America volumes the full texts of thirty-nine of the most fascinating and important of these works, including pamphlets by Thomas Jefferson, Samuel Johnson, and Edmund Burke. Here, in its entirety, is John Dickinson’s justly famous Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania , the most significant political tract prior to Thomas Paine’s Common Sense , which is also included. Here too is the dramatic transcript of Benjamin Franklin’s testimony before Parliament as it debated repeal of the Stamp Act. By the time the political contest traced here was over, the first British empire was in tatters, and Americans had not only clarified their understanding of the limits of public power, they had prepared the way for their grand experiment in republican self-government and constitution-making.

Gordon S. Wood is Alva O. Way Professor of History Emeritus at Brown University. His books include the Pulitzer Prize-winning The Radicalism of the American Revolution , the Bancroft Prize-winning The Creation of the American Republic, 1776–1787 , The Americanization of Benjamin Franklin , The Purpose of the Past: Reflections on the Uses of History , and Empire of Liberty: A History of the Early Republic, 1789–1815 , for the Oxford History of the United States. He writes frequently for The New York Review of Books and The New Republic . In 2011 Wood was awarded the National Humanities Medal by President Barack Obama.

Project support for these volumes was provided by The Bodman Foundation.

The American Revolution: Writings from the Pamphlet Debate 1764–1772 is kept in print by a gift from Sidney and Ruth Lapidus to the Guardians of American Letters Fund .

The American Revolution: Writings from the Pamphlet Debate 1773–1776 is kept in print by a gift from Sidney and Ruth Lapidus to the Guardians of American Letters Fund .

“This collection of pamphlets from the American Revolution is timely, important, and judiciously selected . . . a great and fitting addition to the Library of America series.”—Alan Taylor, Pulitzer Prize–winning author of The Internal Enemy: Slavery and War in Virginia 1772–1832 “An absolutely fantastic two-volume collection of some of the key pamphlets of that period. Wonderfully edited and introduced by historian Gordon Wood, this set is just a treasure. It puts in one place a broad and deep record of the arguments that made the United States of America imaginable, and makes for fascinating reading.”— National Affairs

The sermon is the first and most enduring genre of American literature. At the center of the Puritan experience, it continued in succeeding centuries to play a vital role—as public ritual, occasion for passion and reflection, and, not least, popular entertainment. The fifty-eight sermons collected in this volume display the form’s eloquence, intellectual rigor, and spiritual fervor. ranging from the first New England settlements to mass-media evangelism and the civil rights movement in the 1960s, these texts reclaim a neglected American tradition.

The Puritan sermons with which the volume opens are extraordinary in their richness of imagery, force of argument, and probing psychological insight. From John Winthrop’s visionary injunction that “wee must consider that wee shall be as a citty upon a Hill,” to Samuel Danforth’s admonition not to deviate from the divine “errand into the wilderness,” these seventeenth-century works first explored what it means to be an American.

Jonathan Edwards’s remarkable “Sinners in the Hands of an Angry God,” which stirred its 18th-century audiences to frenzy, shows the intensity to which the sermon could rise, while Jonathan Mayhew’s “Discourse Concerning Unlimited Submission” heralds the political thinking that led to the American Revolution.

The ferment of the 19th century—the Mexican War, the struggle against slavery, the Civil War—inevitably affected the sermon. Orthodoxies were challenged, and a new diversity emerged in the Unitarianism of William Ellery Channing, the Transcendentalism of Ralph Waldo Emerson, the new Church of Latter Day Saints, and the gathering strength of the African-American sermon tradition.

The twentieth-century sermons collected here continue to wrestle with fundamental spiritual and civic concerns. They range from a homily on charity by the popular evangelist Billy Sunday to a discourse on interfaith cooperation by Abraham Joshua Heschel, and from Harry Emerson Fosdick’s controversial “Shall the Fundamentalists Win?” to John Gresham Machen’s uncompromising riposte. The achievement of the African-American sermon attains a new breadth of influence in the inspiring oratory of Martin Luther King Jr.

Michael Warner , volume editor, is professor of English and American Studies at Yale University and author of The Letters of the Republic: Publication and Public Sphere in Eighteenth Century America .

Project support for this volume was provided by the Lilly Endowment, Inc.

American Sermons: The Pilgrims to Martin Luther King Jr. is kept in print by a gift from the Lilly Endowment, Inc. to the Guardians of American Letters Fund .

“[T}aken as a whole, the sermon form is revealed to have remarkable literary vitality. Influenced by the Bible, tinged by African and evangelical cadences, the sermons constitute a very American idiom. One can read these as historical artifacts, which they are. I found them satisfying as literature.”— The New York Times

This Library of America volume collects 367 letters written by Theodore Roosevelt between 1881 and 1919, as well as four of his most famous speeches, creating a vivid portrait of the public career and the private thoughts of an unparalleled man.

Addressed to his family, as well as a wide range of correspondents that includes Jacob Riis, Florence Kelley, Rudyard Kipling, Georges Clemenceau, Henry Cabot Lodge, John Hay, Owen Wister, Upton Sinclair, Edwin Arlington Robinson, Alfred Thayer Mahan, Oliver Wendell Holmes, and Franklin Delano Roosevelt, Roosevelt’s letters demonstrate the astonishing range of his interests and deeds and reveal the personal dimensions of one of our greatest statesmen.

Roosevelt describes climbing the Matterhorn, hunting grizzly bears and cougars, reading Anna Karenina while pursuing thieves through the Dakota wilderness, playing with his children, mediating the 1902 anthracite coal strike and the Russo-Japanese War, visiting Panama during the digging of the canal, and being shot while running for president in 1912. The letters records his expert knowledge of birds and wildlife, his fascination with history and historical writing, his changing views on race and the conflict between business and labor, his concerns about declining birth rates and the corrupting influence of luxury, his contempt for impractical reformers and pacifists, and his disappointment and rage at the failings of William Howard Taft and Woodrow Wilson. And, most poignantly, they reveal the pride and worry Roosevelt felt when his sons went off to battle in World War I, and the profound grief he experienced when his youngest child was killed.

Also included are four speeches: “The Strenuous Life,” a defense of American rule in the Philippines (1899); “National Duties,” which popularized the phrase “speak softly, and carry a big stick” (1901); “Citizenship in a Republic,” with its famous praise of “the man in the arena” (1910); and “The New Nationalism,” which signaled Roosevelt’s break with Taft’s conservatism (1910).

Louis Auchincloss (1917– 2010), editor, is the author of Theodore Roosevelt in The American Presidents series and of Woodrow Wilson in the Penguin Lives series, as well as more than 50 works of fiction, literary criticism, biography, and history.

Theodore Roosevelt: Letters & Speeches is kept in print with a gift from McKinsey & Company to the Guardians of American Letters Fund made in honor of D. Ronald Daniel.

Louis Auchincloss “collects a representative sampling of the more than 100,000 letters Roosevelt wrote, and their variety illustrates the incredible range of his interests, from bird watching to bear hunting, from politics to patriotism.”— Bloomberg News

When People Knew How to Speak: Oratory in the 19th Century

At a time when the quality of public discourse is often complained of, it’s interesting to look back to when people took oratory, or eloquence in public speaking, seriously. One such period was 200 years ago, in the early 19th century. Inspired by Greek and Roman ideals, politicians, lawyers, religious leaders and other public speakers sought to stir emotions, change minds and inspire action by speaking so masterfully that people would pack rooms just to hear what they said.

Henry Clay demonstrating his oratorical skills in the Senate in 1850. Daniel Webster is seated to the left of Clay, and John C. Calhoun to the left of the Speaker’s chair.

Oratory an ancient skill

Orators were held in high esteem in ancient Greece and ancient Rome, where citizens participated in government. Rhetoric (the art of persuasive speaking) was formally taught to boys, and politicians were expected to be good speakers. Cicero, one of Rome’s most famous orators, wrote of the “incredible magnitude and difficulty of the art” of oratory.

A knowledge of a vast number of things is necessary, without which volubility of words is empty and ridiculous; speech itself is to be formed, not merely by choice, but by careful construction of words; and all the motions of the mind, which nature has given to man, must be intimately known; for all the force and art of speaking must be employed in allaying or exciting the feelings of those who listen. To this must be added a certain portion of grace and wit, learning worthy of a well-bred man, and quickness and brevity in replying as well as attacking, accompanied with a refined decorum and urbanity. Besides, the whole of antiquity and a multitude of examples is to be kept in the memory; nor is the knowledge of laws in general, or of the civil law in particular, to be neglected. And why need I add any remarks on delivery itself, which is to be ordered by action of body, by gesture, by look, and by modulation and variation of the voice, the great power of which, alone and itself, the comparatively trivial art of actors and the stage proves, on which though all bestow their utmost labour to form their look, voice, and gesture, who knows not how few there are, and have ever been, to whom we can attend with patience? What can I say of that repository for all things, the memory, which, unless it be made the keeper of the matter and words that are the fruits of thought and invention, all the talents of the orator, we see, though they be of the highest degree of excellence, will be of no avail? (1)

Oratory was a less useful skill in the feudal, monarchical and oligarchical governments of the Middle Ages and the Renaissance. The Enlightenment, and the American and French Revolutions, occasioned a revival of interest in Greek and Roman democratic and republican traditions, including civic eloquence. Oratory again became regarded as an important practice of a free people.

How to be a good orator

A “how to” book published in 1823 defined oratory as “the art of communicating, by the immediate action of the vocal and expressive organs, to popular, or to select assemblies, the dictates of our reason, or our will, and the workings of our passions, feelings, and imaginations.”

Oratory…includes the idea of eloquence; for no man can be an orator who possesses not a flow of thought and language. But eloquence does not necessarily include the idea of oratory; since a man may be rich in all the stores of language and thought, without possessing the advantage of a graceful and impressive delivery. (2)

Instruction in oratory included pronunciation, voice, articulation, punctuation, pausing, gestures and expression. This involved many rules, such as:

When a sentence concludes an antithesis, the first branch of which requires the strong emphasis, and therefore demands the falling inflection; the second branch requires the weak emphasis and the rising inflection. (3) In calm and sedate discourses, the head should keep its natural state and upright posture, occasionally moving, and turning gently, sometimes on one side, and sometimes on the other, as occasion requires, and then returning to its natural position. It should always accompany the other actions of the body, except in aversion, which is expressed by stretching out the right hand, and turning the head to the left. But nothing is more indecent than violent motions and agitations of the head. (4)

The settings in which oratorical skills were thought to be most applicable were the law, religion, politics, theatre, and public meetings. There was a sense that instruction was needed, particularly when it came to political oratory.

It is in the senate alone, and the popular assemblies of the nation, that the orator is to hurry away the impetuous passions, and transport the hearer into absolute action; and there only are, of course, required the full thunders of elocutionary energy. But it is not only in the fervid tones of an impetuous declamation that the senatorial elocutionist should excel; in the calm dignity of a well-modulated cadence, and the polished grace and propriety of enunciation, he should also surpass; and in the easy urbanity of tone and euphony (when the stronger exertions of eloquence are not required) he should manifest, at once the dignity of the statesman, and the elegance and refinement of the polite scholar. How little these circumstances (almost all of them within the reach of a well-directed education) are attended to, is but too generally known; and in the humble state of modern oratory (as judged by its effects) the consequences may but too well be discovered. (5)

John Quincy Adams on oratory

America’s sixth president, John Quincy Adams , was a big fan of the ancient ideal of the citizen-orator. In 1805, Adams was offered the Boylston Professorship of Rhetoric and Oratory at Harvard, a position he held from 1806 to 1808 while he was a senator from Massachusetts. Adams gave a series of lectures in which he extolled the virtues of oratory and its importance to the United States.

Between authority and obedience there can be no deliberation; and wheresoever submission is the principle of government in a nation, eloquence can never arise. Eloquence is the child of liberty, and can descend from no other stock. … [Our] own nation is at this time precisely under the same circumstances which were so propitious to the advancement of rhetoric and oratory among the Greeks. Like them, we are divided into a number of separate commonwealths, all founded upon the principles of the most enlarged social and civil liberty. Like them, we are united in certain great national interests, and connected by a confederation, differing indeed in many essential particulars from theirs, but perhaps in a still higher degree favorable to the influence and exertion of eloquence. … Persuasion, or the influence of reason and of feeling, is the great if not the only instrument whose operation can affect the acts of all our corporate bodies; of towns, cities, counties, states, and of the whole confederated empire. Here, then, eloquence is recommended by the most elevated usefulness, and encouraged by the promise of the most precious rewards. … So dear, and so justly dear to us are the blessings of freedom, that if no other advantage could be ascribed to the powers of speech, than that they are her inseparable companions, that alone would be an unanswerable argument for us to cherish them with more than a mother’s affection. (6)

Examples of great orators

According to Congressional librarian George Watterston, John Quincy Adams was not in the first rank of orators.

He is evidently well skilled in the rhetorical art on which he has lectured, and in which he displays considerable research and ability; but whether he succeeded in reducing his principles to practice, while a member of the Senate, I am not able to say. I should infer, however, that his speeches were more correct and polished, if they were not more eloquent, than those of his coadjutors in legislation. Yet after all…there is something more required to complete an orator than the mere knowledge and practice of those principles which rhetoricians have established as the ground work of this art. If there be an absence of that peculiar kind of talent, or want of that peculiar enthusiasm, which propels the mind to embrace with ardour and delight the profession of an orator, the most intimate and accurate knowledge or the most perfect dexterity in the use of the ‘rhetorician’s tools’ will be inadequate to produce excellence. And, however skilfully a man may round his periods and balance his sentences, select his phrases or direct their harmony; without that ethereal and incomprehensible power which gives animation to matter, sweeps through nature like the lightning of Heaven, and creates and embodies and unfolds; he will still be cold and tame and spiritless, correct indeed but frigid, regular but insensible. From what I can learn, Mr. Adams, with all his knowledge and talent, did not attain the first rank among American orators. He wanted enthusiasm and fire; he wanted that nameless charm which, in oratory as well as poetry, delights and fascinates, and leads the soul captive, without the desire of resistance, or the consciousness of error. (7)

Below are some examples of oratory from people who were thought, by their contemporaries, to be great orators. Along with Adams, two of them appear as characters in Napoleon in America .

Robert Hall on the prospect of Napoleon invading England

Robert Hall (1764-1831), a Baptist minister at Cambridge in England, was reckoned among the greatest British orators of the early 19th century. Here is an extract from his sermon on the prospect of the invasion of England by Napoleon Bonaparte in 1803.

To form an adequate idea of the duties of this crisis, it will be necessary to raise your minds to a level with your station, to extend your views to a distant futurity, and to consequences the most certain, though most remote. By a series of criminal enterprises, by the successes of guilty ambition, the liberties of Europe have been gradually extinguished: the subjugation of Holland, Switzerland, and the free towns of Germany, has completed that catastrophe: and we are the only people in the eastern hemisphere who are in possession of equal laws, and a free constitution. Freedom, driven from every spot on the continent, has sought an asylum in a country which she always chose for her favourite abode: but she is pursued even here, and threatened with destruction. The inundation of lawless power, after covering the whole earth, threatens to follow us here; and we are most exactly, most critically placed in the only aperture where it can be successfully repelled – in the Thermopylae of the world. As far as the interests of freedom are concerned, the most important by far of sublunary interests, you, my countrymen, stand in the capacity of the federal representatives of the human race; for with you it is to determine (under God) in what condition the latest posterity shall be born; their fortunes are intrusted to your care, and on your conduct at this moment depend the colour and complexion of their destiny. If Liberty, after being extinguished on the continent, is suffered to expire here, whence is it every to emerge in the midst of that thick night that will invest it? It remains with you then to decide whether that Freedom, at whose voice the kingdoms of Europe awoke from the sleep of ages, to run a career of virtuous emulation in every thing great and good; the Freedom which dispelled the mists of superstition, and invited the nations to behold their God; whose magic torch kindled the rays of genius, the enthusiasm of poetry, and the flame of eloquence; the Freedom which poured into our lap opulence and arts, and embellished life with innumerable institutions and improvements, till it became a theatre of wonders; it is for you to decide, whether this Freedom shall yet survive, or be covered with a funeral pall, and wrapped in eternal doom. … I cannot but imagine that the virtuous heroes, legislators, and patriots of every age and country, are bending from their elevated seats to witness this contest, as if they were incapable, till it be brought to a favourable issue, of enjoying their eternal repose. (8)

John C. Calhoun on the need for war against Britain

John C. Calhoun (1782-1850) was a South Carolina planter and politician who served in the House of Representatives and the Senate, and as secretary of war, secretary of state and seventh vice president. Although he was short on charisma, Calhoun was considered a brilliant orator. James C. Jewett, a citizen of Maine, wrote in 1817:

Yesterday I had the pleasure to listen to (in my opinion, and generally speaking, the opinion of all good judges,) the most elegant speaker that sits in the House. I mean Mr. Calhoun. His gestures are easy and graceful, his manner forcible, and language elegant; but above all, he confines himself closely to the subject, which he always understands, and enlightens everyone within hearing; having said all that a statesman should say, he is done. (9)

Calhoun’s skill at oratory helped propel the United States into the War of 1812 against Great Britain. Here’s an excerpt from one of his speeches to the House, delivered on December 12, 1811.

[T]he report could mean nothing but war or empty menace. I hope no member of this House is in favor of the latter. A bullying, menacing system has every thing to condemn and nothing to recommend it. In expense, it almost rivals war. It excites contempt abroad, and destroys confidence at home. Menaces are serious things; and ought to be resorted to with as much caution and seriousness as war itself; and should, if not successful, be invariably followed by it…. I might prove the war, should it ensue, justifiable…and necessary, by facts undoubted, and universally admitted…. The extent, duration, and character of the injuries received; the failure of those peaceful means heretofore resorted to for the redress of our wrongs, are my proofs that it is necessary. Why should I mention the impressment of our seamen; depredations on every branch of our commerce, including the direct export trade, continued for years, and made under laws which professedly undertake to regulate our trade with other nations; negotiation resorted to, again and again, till it is become hopeless; the restrictive system persisted in to avoid war, and in the vain expectation of returning justice? The evil still grows, and, in each succeeding year, swells in extent and pretension beyond the preceding. The question, even in the opinion and by the admission of our opponents, is reduced to this single point – Which shall we do, abandon or defend our own commercial and maritime rights, and the personal liberty of our citizens employed in exercising them? These rights are vitally attacked, and war is the only means of redress. The gentleman from Virginia [John Randolph] has suggested none, unless we consider the whole of his speech as recommending patient and resigned submission as the best remedy. Sir, which alternative this House will embrace, it is not for me to say. I hope the decision is made already, by a higher authority than the voice of any man. It is not for the human tongue to instil the sense of independence and honor. This is the work of nature; a generous nature that disdains tame submission to wrongs. This part of the subject is so imposing as to enforce silence even on the gentleman from Virginia. He dared not deny his country’s wrongs, or vindicate the conduct of her enemy. Only one part of his argument had any, the most remote relation to this point. He would not say, we had not a good cause for war; but insisted, that it was out duty to define that cause. If he means that this House ought, at this stage of its proceedings, or any other, to specify any particular violation of our rights to the exclusion of all others, he prescribes a course, which neither good sense nor the usage of nations warrants. When we contend, let us contend for all our rights; the doubtful and the certain; the unimportant and essential. It is as easy to struggle, or even more so, for the whole as for a part. At the termination of the contest, secure all that our wisdom and valor and the fortune of war will permit. This is the dictate of common sense; such also is the usage of nations. (10)

Daniel Webster on a jury’s duty

Daniel Webster (1782-1852) was an American lawyer and statesman who represented New Hampshire and Massachusetts in Congress and served as secretary of state under three presidents. He was widely regarded as an excellent orator. As a lawyer, Webster argued over 200 cases before the Supreme Court. British social theorist and writer Harriet Martineau observed his oratory on a visit to Washington in 1835.

[I]t was amusing to see how the court would fill after the entrance of Webster, and empty when he had gone back to the Senate Chamber. The chief interest to me in Webster’s pleading, and also in his speaking in the Senate, was from seeing one so dreamy and nonchalant roused into strong excitement. It seemed like having a curtain lifted up through which it was impossible to pry; like hearing autobiographical secrets. Webster is a lover of ease and pleasure, and has an air of the most unaffected indolence and careless self-sufficiency. It is something to see him moved with anxiety and the toil of intellectual conflict; to see his lips tremble, his nostrils expand, the perspiration start upon his brow; to hear his voice vary with emotion, and to watch the expression of laborious thought while he pauses, for minutes together, to consider his notes, and decide upon the arrangement of his argument. (11)

Webster was the prosecuting attorney at the trial of John Francis Knapp for the murder of Captain Joseph White in Salem, Massachusetts, in 1830. Here is the opening of his summation for the jury.

Your whole concern should be to do your duty, and leave consequences to take care of themselves. You will receive the law from the court. Your verdict, it is true, may endanger the prisoner’s life; but, then, it is to save other lives. If the prisoner’s guilt has been shown and proved beyond all reasonable doubt, you will convict him. If such reasonable doubts still remain, you will acquit him. You are the judges of the whole case. You owe a duty to the public as well as to the prisoner at the bar. You cannot presume to be wiser than the law. Your duty is a plain, straightforward one. Doubtless, we would all judge him in mercy. Towards him, as an individual, the law inculcates no hostility; but towards him, if proved to be a murderer, the law, and the oaths you have taken, and public justice, demand that you do your duty. With consciences satisfied with the discharge of duty, no consequences can harm you. There is no evil that we cannot face or fly from but the consciousness of duty disregarded. A sense of duty pursues us ever. It is omnipresent, like the Deity. If we take to ourselves the wings of the morning, and dwell in the uttermost parts of the seas, duty performed or duty violated is still with us, for our happiness or our misery. If we say the darkness shall cover us, in the darkness as in the light our obligations are yet with us. We cannot escape their power nor fly from their presence. They are with us in this life, will be with us at its close; and in that scene of inconceivable solemnity which lies yet farther onward, we shall still find ourselves surrounded by the consciousness of duty, to pain us wherever it has been violated, and to console us so far as God may have given us grace to perform it. (12)

Henry Clay on the plight of the Cherokees

Henry Clay (1777-1852) was a lawyer and statesman who represented Kentucky in both the Senate and the House of Representatives. He was the seventh House speaker and America’s ninth secretary of state. Harriet Martineau observed Clay speak in the Senate during her visit to Washington in 1835.

The chief characteristic of his eloquence is its earnestness. Every tone of his voice, every fibre of his frame bears testimony to this. His attitudes are, from the beginning to the close, very graceful. His first sentences are homely, and given with a little hesitation and repetition, and with an agitation shown by a frequent putting on and taking off of the spectacles, and a trembling of the hands among the documents on the desk. Then, as the speaker becomes possessed with his subject, the agitation changes its character, but does not subside. His utterance is still deliberate, but his voice becomes deliciously winning. Its higher tones disappointed me at first; but the lower ones, trembling with emotion, swelling and falling with the earnestness of the speaker, are very moving, and his whole manner becomes irresistibly persuasive. I saw tears, of which I am sure he was wholly unconscious, falling on his papers as he vividly described the woes and injuries of the aborigines. I saw Webster draw his hand across his eyes; I saw every one deeply moved except two persons, the vice-president, who yawned somewhat ostentatiously, and the Georgian senator, who was busy brewing his storm. (13)

The speech Clay delivered was on the subject of the treatment of the Cherokees by Georgia. Here is a portion of his oratory.

I go into this subject with feelings which no language at my command will enable me adequately to express. … I am actuated only by feelings of grief, feelings of sorrow, and of profound regret, irresistibly called forth by a contemplation of the miserable condition to which these unfortunate people have been reduced by acts of legislation proceeding from one of the State of this confederacy. I again assure the honorable senators from Georgia that, if it has become my painful duty to comment upon some of these acts, I do not with any desire to place them, or the State they represent, in an invidious position; but because Georgia was, I believe, the first in the career, the object of which seems to be the utter annihilation of every Indian right, and because she has certainly, in the promotion of it, far out-stripped every other State in the Union. … [I]n the observations I have made, I am actuated by no other than such as ought to be in the breast of every honest man, the feelings of common justice. I would say nothing, I would whisper nothing, I would insinuate nothing, I would think nothing which can, in the remotest degree, cause irritation in the mind of any one, of any Senator here, of any State in this Union, I have too much respect for every member of the confederacy. I feel nothing but grief for the wretched condition of these most unfortunate people, and every emotion of my bosom dissuades me from the use of epithets that might raise emotions which should draw the attention of the Senate from the justice of their claims. I forbear to apply to this law any epithet of any kind. Sir, no epithet is needed. The features of the law itself; its warrant for the interposition of military power, when no trial and no judgment has been allowed; its denial of any appeal, unless the unhappy Indian shall first renounce his own rights, and admit the rights of his opponent – features such as these are enough to show what the true character of the act is, and supersede the necessity of all epithets, were I even capable of applying them. The Senate will thus perceive that the whole power of the State of Georgia, military as well as civil, has been made to bear upon these Indians, without their having any voice in forming, judging upon, or executing the laws under which he is placed, and without even the poor privilege of establishing the injury he may have suffered by Indian evidence: nay, worse still, not even by the evidence of a white man! Because the renunciation of his rights precludes all evidence, white or black, civilized or savage. There then he lies, with his property, his rights, and every privilege which makes human existence desirable, at the mercy of the State of Georgia; a State in whose government or laws he has no voice. Sir, it is impossible for the most active imagination to conceive a condition of human society more perfectly wretched. … To me, in that awful hour of death, to which all must come, and which, with respect to myself, cannot be very far distant, it will be a source of the highest consolation that an opportunity has been found by me, on the floor of the Senate, in the discharge of my official duty, to pronounce my views on a course of policy marked by such wrongs as are calculated to arrest the attention of every one, and that I have raised my humble voice, and pronounced my solemn protest against such wrongs. (14)

You might also enjoy:

John Quincy Adams and Napoleon

John C. Calhoun: War Hawk

Henry Clay: A Perfect Original

Cherokee Indian Chief Bowles (Duwali) and His Tragic Quest for Land

Last Words of Famous People

The Presidential Election of 1824

• John Selby Watson, ed., Cicero on Oratory and Orators (London, 1855), pp. 147-148.
• Robert James Ball, The Academic Cicero; or Exercises in Modern Oratory (Dublin, 1823), p. 2.
• Ibid ., p. 82.
• Ibid ., p. 112.
• Ibid ., p. 120.
• John Quincy Adams, Lectures on Rhetoric and Oratory , Vol. I (Cambridge, MA, 1810), pp. 68-71.
• George Watterston, Letters from Washington, on the Constitution and Laws; with Sketches of Some of the Prominent Public Characters of the United States , (Washington, 1818), pp. 44-45.
• Ball, The Academic Cicero , pp. 184-186.
• “The United States Congress of 1817 and Some of its Celebrities,” William and Mary College Quarterly Historical Magazine , Vol. XVII, No. 2 (October, 1908), p. 143.
• Frank Moore, American Eloquence: A Collection of Speeches and Addresses, by the Most Eminent Orators of America , Vol. II (New York, 1857), pp. 475-476.
• Harriet Martineau, Retrospect of Western Travel , Vol. I (London, 1838), p. 166.
• Ibid ., 169.
• Ibid ., p. 178.
• Henry Clay, The Life and Speeches of Henry Clay , Vol. II (Philadelphia, 1860), pp. 256-265.

2 commments on “When People Knew How to Speak: Oratory in the 19th Century”

Seems as like great writers, orators are a long lost skill. Most speeches are Ghost Written and read off a teleprompter. Give me a leader that can deliver his /her own speeches.

It is a shame few leaders can manage that these days.

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A knowledge of a vast number of things is necessary, without which volubility of words is empty and ridiculous.

Napoleon in America

What if Napoleon had escaped from St. Helena and wound up in the United States in 1821? Kirkus Reviews calls Shannon's novel "evocative and immersive."

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Major Speeches in Black History by Douglass, DuBois and dozens of others

Times staff report

Some of the greatest individuals in black history have delivered some of the most significant speeches in American history. Their names and words are iconic.

In the 1800s, Sojourner Truth—born into slavery, and dedicated to the causes of abolition and obtaining equal rights for women and men—delivered “Ar’n’t I a Woman” (1851); and Frederick Douglass—social reformer, abolitionist, orator, writer, and statesman—presented “What to the Slave is the Fourth of July” (1852).

As we celebrate Black History Month and recognize how African American culture has profoundly shaped American culture — in music and art, literature and sports, business and politics – we look some of the greats who left their mark on history through noteworthy speeches.

In 1909, Ida B. Wells—journalist, abolitionist, and feminist who led an anti-lynching crusade in the 1890s—delivered “Lynching Our National Crime.” In 1906, William Edward Burghardt “W. E. B.” Du Bois—sociologist, historian, Civil Rights activist, Pan-Africanist, author, writer, and editor—spoke about the “Men of Niagara.” And in 1922, Marcus Mosiah Garvey Jr.—proponent of black nationalism in Jamaica and founder of the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA)—gave an oration about “The Principles of the Universal Negro Improvement Association.”

The Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., the most visible spokesperson and leader in the Civil Rights Movement, captivated a massive Washington, D.C., crowd with his 1963 “I Have a Dream” speech. And Barack Obama—the 44th President of the United States and the first African-American to assume the presidency—addressed the role race has played in the nation’s history in 2008’s “A More Perfect Union.”

The long tradition of African-American oratory is described perfectly by Joseph C. Price, founder and president of North Carolina’s Livingston College, during his address to the National Education Association’s annual convention held in Minneapolis in 1890: “If I had a thousand tongues, and each tongue were a thousand thunderbolts, and each thunderbolt had a thousand voices, I would use them all today to help you understand a loyal and misrepresented and misjudged people.”

Those words sum up the following excerpts from seven noteworthy speeches given by African-Americans throughout history.

To read dozens more iconic speeches in black history, click here .

Sojourner Truth — “Ar’nt I a Woman?” (1851)

Sojourner Truth (c. 1797–1883) was arguably the most famous of the 19th century’s black women orators. Born into slavery in New York and freed in 1827 under the state’s gradual emancipation law, she dedicated her life to abolition and the struggle for equal rights for women and men. Scholars agree that “Ar’n’t I a Woman?” was given at the Women’s Rights Convention in Akron, Ohio, on May 29, 1851. After that, there is much debate about what Truth said and how she said it. The most-quoted version of the speech was published in the 1875 edition of Truth’s Narrative (which was written by others) and in Elizabeth Cady Stanton’s 1881 “History of Woman Suffrage,” both of which were published more than two decades after the speech was delivered. The Salem, Ohio, Anti-Slavery Bugle published its rendering of Truth’s speech on June 21, 1851, within a month of her presentation, so many historians believe it to be the more accurate account. Still, both versions rely on the interpretations of others. Since no written transcript of the speech has appeared, the words Truth actually spoke will probably never be known, according to historian Nell Painter.

Well, children, where there is so much racket there must be something out of kilter. I think that ’twixt the Negroes of the South and the women at the North, all talking about rights, the white men will be in a fix pretty soon. But what’s all this here talking about?

That man over there says women need to be helped into carriages, and lifted over ditches, and to have the best place everywhere. Nobody ever helps me into carriages, or over mud-puddles, or gives me any best place! And ar’n’t I a woman? Look at me! Look at my arm! I have ploughed, and planted, and gathered into barns, and no man could head me! And ar’n’t I woman? I could work as much and eat as much as a man—when I could get it—and bear the lash as well! And ar’n’t I a woman? I have borne 13 children, and seen them most all sold off to slavery, and when I cried out with my mother’s grief, none but Jesus heard me!

And ar’n’t I a woman?

Then they talk about this thing in the head; what’s this they call it? [“Intellect,” whispered someone near.] That’s it, honey. What’s that got to do with women’s rights or Negro rights? If my cup won’t hold but a pint, and yours holds a quart, wouldn’t you be mean not to let me have my little half-measure full? Then that little man in black there, he says women can’t have as much rights as men because Christ wasn’t a woman! Where did your Christ come from? From God and a woman! Man had nothing to do with Him. …

If the first woman God ever made was strong enough to turn the world upside down all alone, these women together ought to be able to turn it back and get it right side up again! And now they are asking to do it, the men better let them.

Frederick Douglass — “What to the Slave is the Fourth of July” (1852)

On July 5, 1852, Frederick Douglass (c. 1818–1895) was invited to address the citizens of his hometown, Rochester, N.Y. Whatever the expectations of his audience on that 76th anniversary of the signing of the Declaration of Independence, Douglass used the occasion not to celebrate the nation’s triumphs but to remind all of its continuing enslavement of millions of people.

Mr. President, Friends, and Fellow Citizens: He who could address this audience without a quailing sensation has stronger nerves than I have. I do not remember ever to have appeared as a speaker before any assembly more shrinkingly nor with greater distrust of my ability than I do this day. A feeling has crept over me, quite unfavorable to the exercise of my limited powers of speech. The task before me is one which requires much previous thought and study for its proper performance. I know that apologies of this sort are generally considered flat and unmeaning. I trust, however, that mine will not be so considered. Should I seem at ease, my appearance would much misrepresent me. The little experience I have had in addressing public meetings, in country schoolhouses, avails me nothing on the present occasion.

The papers and placards say that I am to deliver a Fourth [of] July oration. This certainly sounds large and out of the common way, for it is true that I have often had the privilege to speak in this beautiful hall and to address many who now honor me with their presence. But neither their familiar faces nor the perfect gage I think I have of Corinthian Hall seems to free me from embarrassment.

The fact is, ladies and gentlemen, the distance between this platform and the slave plantation from which I escaped is considerable—and the difficulties to be overcome in getting from the latter to the former are by no means slight. That I am here today is, to me, a matter of astonishment as well as of gratitude. You will not, therefore, be surprised if in what I have to say I evince no elaborate preparation nor grace my speech with any high-sounding exordium. With little experience and with less learning, I have been able to throw my thoughts hastily and imperfectly together; and trusting to your patient and generous indulgence, I will proceed to lay them before you.

Ida B. Wells — “Lynching Our National Crime” (1909)

By 1909, Ida B. Wells (1862–1931) was the most prominent anti-lynching campaigner in the United States. Starting in the early 1890s, she labored mostly alone in her effort to raise the nation’s awareness and indignation about these usually unpunished murders. In 1909, however, she gained a powerful ally—the newly formed National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). Wells delivered the following speech at the National Negro Conference, forerunner to the NAACP, which was held in New York City from May 31 through June 1, 1909.

The lynching record for a quarter of a century merits the thoughtful study of the American people. It presents three salient facts: First, lynching is color-line murder. Second, crimes against women is the excuse, not the cause. Third, it is a national crime and requires a national remedy. Proof that lynching follows the color line is to be found in the statistics which have been kept for the past 25 years. During the few years preceding this period and while frontier law existed, the executions showed a majority of white victims. Later, however, as law courts and authorized judiciary extended into the far West, lynch law rapidly abated, and its white victims became few and far between. Just as the lynch-law regime came to a close in the West, a new mob movement started in the South.

This was wholly political, its purpose being to suppress the colored vote by intimidation and murder. Thousands of assassins banded together under the name of Ku Klux Klan’s, “Midnight Raiders,” “Knights of the Golden Circle,” et cetera, et cetera, spread a reign of terror, by beating, shooting, and killing colored in a few years, the purpose was accomplished, and the black vote was suppressed. But mob murder continued. From 1882, in which year 52 were lynched, down to the present, lynching has been along the color line. Mob murder increased yearly until in 1892 more than 200 victims were lynched, and statistics show that 3,284 men, women, and children have been put to death in this quarter of a century. During the last 10 years, from 1899 to 1908, inclusive the number lynched was 959. Of this number, 102 were white, while the colored victims numbered 857. No other nation, civilized or savage, burns its criminals; only under that Stars and Stripes is the human holocaust possible. Twenty-eight human beings burned at the stake, one of them a woman and two of them children, is the awful indictment against American civilization—the gruesome tribute which the nation pays to the color line.

W.E.B. Du Bois — “Men of Niagara” (1906)

In 1906, one year after the Niagara Movement was founded, the group held its second annual meeting at Harper’s Ferry, W. Va. W.E.B. Du Bois (1868–1963), a founding member and its titular leader, delivered this address to the assembled Civil Rights activists.

The men of the Niagara Movement coming from the toil of the year’s hard work and pausing a moment from the earning of their daily bread turn toward the nation and again ask again, in the name of 10 million, the privilege of a hearing.

In the past year, the work of the Negro-hater has flourished in the land. Step by step the defenders of the rights of American citizens have retreated. The work of stealing the black man’s ballot has progressed, and the 50 and more representatives of stolen votes still sit in the nation’s capital. Discrimination in travel and public accommodation has so spread that some of our weaker brethren are actually afraid to thunder against color discrimination as such and are simply whispering for ordinary decencies. Against this the Niagara Movement eternally protests. We will not be satisfied to take one jot or title less than our full manhood rights!

We claim for ourselves every single right that belongs to a freeborn American, political, civil, and social; and until we get these rights we will never cease to protest and assail the ears of America! The battle we wage is not for ourselves alone but for all true Americans. It is a fight for ideals, lest this, our common fatherland, false to its founding, become in truth, the land of the thief and the home of the slave, a byword and a hissing among the nations for its sounding pretensions and pitiful accomplishments.

Never before in the modern age has a great and civilized folk threatened to adopt so cowardly a creed in the treatment of its fellow citizens born and bred on its soil. Stripped of verbiage and subterfuge and in its naked nastiness, the new American creed says: “Fear to let black men even try to rise lest they become the equals of the white.” And this is the land that professes to follow Jesus Christ! The blasphemy of such a course is only matched by its cowardice.

Marcus Garvey — “The Principles of The Universal Negro Improvement Association” (1922)

In this speech, delivered in New York City on Nov. 25, 1922, Marcus Garvey (1887–1940) explains the objectives of the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA), the organization he believed would lead the worldwide movement toward black liberation.

Over five years ago, the Universal Negro Improvement Association placed itself before the world as the movement through which the new and rising Negro would give expression of his feelings. This Association adopts an attitude not of hostility to other races and peoples of the world, but an attitude of self-respect, of manhood rights on behalf of 400 million Negroes of the world.

We represent peace, harmony, love, human sympathy, human rights, and human justice, and that is why we fight so much. Wheresoever human rights are denied to any group, wheresoever justice is denied to any group, there the UNIA finds a cause. And at this time among all the peoples of the world, the group that suffers most from injustice, the group that is denied most of those rights that belong to all humanity, is the black group of 400 million. Because of that injustice, because of that denial of our rights, we go forth under the leadership of the One who is always on the side of right to fight the common cause of humanity; to fight as we fought in the Revolutionary War, as we fought in the Civil War, as we fought in the Spanish American War, and as we fought in the war between 1914 and 1918 on the battle plains of France and of Flanders. As we fought on the heights of Mesopotamia; even so under the leadership of the UNIA, we are marshaling the 400 million Negroes of the world to fight for the emancipation of the race and of the redemption of the country of our fathers.

We represent a new line of thought among Negroes. Whether you call it advanced thought or reactionary thought, I do not care. If it is reactionary for people to seek independence in government, then we are reactionary. If it is advanced thought for people to seek liberty and freedom, then we represent the advanced school of thought among the Negroes of this country. We of the UNIA believe that what is good for the other folks is good for us. If government is something that is worthwhile; if government is something that is appreciable and helpful and protective to others, then we also want to experiment in government. We do not mean a government that will make us citizens without rights or subjects with no consideration. We mean a kind of government that will place [our] race in control, even as other races are in control of their own governments.

The Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. — “I Have a Dream” (1963)

In what many consider one of the greatest speeches ever delivered, the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. (1929–1968) spoke at the Lincoln Memorial on Aug. 28, 1963, during the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom. King deftly synthesized portions of his earlier speeches into a message of the necessity for change and the potential for hope in America.

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation. Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of captivity.

But 100 years later, we must face the tragic fact that the Negro is still not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the comers of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So, we have come here today to dramatize an appalling condition.

In a sense, we have come to our nation’s capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the unalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check; a check which has come back marked “insufficient funds.” But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. So, we have come to cash this check a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of God’s children. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.

Barack Obama — “A More Perfect Union” (2008)

Controversial remarks drawn from sermons of the Rev. Jeremiah Wright, pastor of Trinity United Church of Christ in Chicago, Ill., where Barack Obama (born 1961) had been a member, emerged as a lingering issue in the 2008 presidential campaign. On March 18, 2008, then-Sen. Obama delivered a now-famous speech on race at Constitution Center in Philadelphia, Pa. Called “A More Perfect Union” by his campaign, Obama’s oration was designed to address the pastor’s remarks and his relationship with the minister. Just as important, the speech also addressed the role of race throughout the nation’s history and during the 2008 presidential campaign.

“We the people, in order to form a more perfect union …”—221 years ago, in a hall that still stands across the street, a group of men gathered and, with these simple words, launched America’s improbable experiment in democracy. Farmers and scholars, statesmen and patriots who had traveled across an ocean to escape tyranny and persecution finally made real their declaration of independence at a Philadelphia convention that lasted through the spring of 1787.

The document they produced was eventually signed but ultimately unfinished. It was stained by this nation’s original sin of slavery, a question that divided the colonies and brought the convention to a stalemate until the founders chose to allow the slave trade to continue for at least 20 more years and to leave any final resolution to future generations.

Of course, the answer to the slavery question was already embedded within our Constitution—a Constitution that had at is very core the ideal of equal citizenship under the law; a Constitution that promised its people liberty and justice and a union that could be and should be perfected over time.

And yet words on a parchment would not be enough to deliver slaves from bondage, or provide men and women of every color and creed their full rights and obligations as citizens of the United States. What would be needed were Americans in successive generations who were willing to do their part—through protests and struggles, on the streets and in the courts, through a civil war and civil disobedience, and always at great risk—to narrow that gap between the promise of our ideals and the reality of their time.

This was one of the tasks we set forth at the beginning of this presidential campaign—to continue the long march of those who came before us, a march for a more just, more equal, more free, more caring, and more prosperous America. I chose to run for president at this moment in history because I believe deeply that we cannot solve the challenges of our time unless we solve them together, unless we perfect our union by understanding that we may have different stories, but we hold common hopes; that we may not look the same and we may not have come from the same place, but we all want to move in the same direction—toward a better future for our children and our grandchildren.

Blackpast.org, Biography.com, oregonencyclopedia.com, history.house.gov, Brittanica.com, morehouse.edu, and Wikipedia.org contributed to this article.

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Words of a Century: The Top 100 American Speeches, 1900-1999

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History's Most Influential Speeches ‘The power of the word is mightier than the sword.’ That may not be the precise saying, but in these cases it is very much true. Here are the speeches that have had a huge impact on the world, long after they were given. Some will be very well-known to most people, and others, while less known, have helped to shape the world as we know it today. Here are some of the speeches that changed the world’s history. Did you know you can now travel with Culture Trip? Book now and join one of our premium small-group tours to discover the world like never before. Abolition speech, william wilberforce. Never take the freedom that you have for granted. The slave trade is a black mark on Western history, and it can come as somewhat of a shock that it wasn’t until the early 19th century that slavery was abolished in Britain . In a speech to the British Parliament in May 1789, William Wilberforce gave an impassioned account on why the trade needed to cease and was morally reprehensible. His calls fell largely on deaf ears for several decades, but the Slave Trade Act was finally passed in 1807. Wilberforce believed that it was a call from God for him to become an abolitionist, and thankfully this belief gave him the resolve to continue to fight for his cause. ‘Freedom or Death’, Emmeline Pankhurst As Suffragette has just been released in theatres, it only seems appropriate to include Emmeline Pankhurst ‘s ‘Freedom or Death’ speech in our list (and it happens to follow quite nicely from our previous speech on freedom). The speech was delivered in Hartford, Connecticut in 1913 as part of Pankhurst’s tour of the US. It was an impassioned statement on the importance of women’s suffrage, and her strong declaration that the suffragettes would fight to the death – and indeed they did during the violent movement in Britain – in order to gain the right to vote. The movement was reviled by many, but without this brutal commitment to the cause, women’s history, and indeed their present position, would look very different. ‘The Gettysburg Address’, Abraham Lincoln Brevity is the soul of wit, or, in this case, of inspiration. At just 272 words and three minutes in length, The Gettysburg Address is irrefutably one of the most historically significant speeches. The Battle of Gettysburg left over 8000 men dead. Lincoln’s speech followed a powerful, solemn speech by Edward Everett, which came in at around two hours long. Markedly shorter, Lincoln managed to memorialize the fallen soldiers at Gettysburg and transform the whole view and meaning of the Civil War. This speech led to the eventual end of the war and the abolition movement in the United States, making it arguably the most important 272 words to have been spoken. ‘Give Me Blood and I Will Give You Freedom’, Subhas Chandra Bose As a freedom fighter in the Indian independence movement, Subhas Chandra Bose became widely respected and hailed as a patriot and national hero against the British colonial forces, although his legacy is not without its controversies. ‘Give me blood and I will give you freedom’ was to become his most famous quote, and it was regularly uttered to the Indian National Armies in order to motivate them. His strong will did indeed lead to India’s liberation from the British. His methods may be quite contrary to India’s other great orator, but its motivational power is quite undeniable. ‘Give Me Liberty or Give Me Death’, Patrick Henry At the time Patrick Henry gave this dramatic speech, revolutionary sentiments had been brewing across the United States for well over a decade. Like a pressure cooker, the anger and resentment towards the British government – quite a theme in many of the great speeches in history – saw the tensions boil and evidently bubble over in 1775. Patriots geared up for war, and Henry made his speech. The speech, which took place in a church, was a call to arms: a call for the patriotic duties of the American citizens which stressed the urgency of the situation. A rousing speech which a stirring climax. ‘I Am Prepared To Die’, Nelson Mandela Nelson Mandela is one of the most controversial, loved and important figures of the 20th century, and someone who will surely go down as one of the greats in history. The three-hour-long ‘I Am Prepared To Die,’ speech, sometimes called ‘I am the first accused’ was to become a key moment in the history of South African democracy. The country’s politics and social policies during the period were contentious at best, and this was something that Mandela was compelled to speak up against, even though it led to his 27-year imprisonment. The speech, which was made during Mandela’s trial, was met with an emotional sigh from Mandela’s side of the court room, a sigh that they would have to hold for over a quarter of a century. Freedom was to come in time, and the brazen nature of the speech is arguably what saved Mandela from death. Become a Culture Tripper! Sign up to our newsletter to save up to $1,058 on our unique trips.. See privacy policy . ‘I Have A Dream’, Martin Luther King The ‘I Have A Dream’ speech will surely go down as one of the most famous speech of all time; certainly, you can’t make a list of the most influential speeches in history and not include it. Martin Luther King ‘s speech came a century after the abolition of slavery, at a time when African-American citizens were still without equality, faced fear and persecution on a daily basis, and were denied many of their basic human rights. Laws may change, but perceptions take much longer to catch up. The speech was delivered to over 250,000 civil rights supporters, and was the defining moment in the American Civil Rights Movement, as well as cementing King’s place as one of history’s great orators. The speech shaped modern America thereafter, but watching the news it is disheartening to see that there is still much work to be done for his dream to be fully realised. ‘Quit India’, Mahatma Gandhi The second of the Indian orators on our list, this time vying for peace over violence. The speech could not be more different to Bose’s ‘Give Me Blood and I Will Give You Freedom.’ but it goes to show that there is more than one way to influence a nation. Gandhi and the National Indian Congress implored Britain to ‘Quit India’ with a wholly non-violent message on August 8th, 1942. The same day saw the passing of the Quit India Resolution , demanding complete independence from British rule. This was a revolutionary part of the non-violent movement, and a famous case for the word being mightier than the sword, influencing many discussions and decisions thereafter. ‘Speech at Clermont’, Pope Urban II Otherwise known as the speech calling for the First Crusade . The speech at the Council of Clermont, delivered in 1095 by Pope Urban II , saw so much interest among bishops, nobles and other people of power, that it had to be held in the open air. The Pope urged the Western church to go to the aid of the Greeks against the Seljuq Turks, and to recover Palestine from the rule of the Muslims. There is no official transcript of the speech, but it was the triggering factor for this first crusade and the thinking of all crusades after it. Influential speeches may not necessarily have a positive outcome, but they demonstrate the power of the well-delivered word. ‘The Third Philippic’, Demosthenes The oldest of the speeches on our list by quite some margin. The famed Greek statesman Demosthenes is regarded as one of the finest orators of all time. The ‘Third Philippic’ was delivered as a call to arms against Philip II of Macedon , and was the most successful single speech in his long campaign against the contentious king, who had instigated widespread fighting throughout Ancient Greece. While the Athenians had been largely apathetic towards Philip, following Demosthenes’ speech in 341 BC, cries of ‘To arms! To arms!’ could be heard ringing through the streets. One man can indeed overthrow a tyrant. ‘We Shall Fight on the Beaches’, Winston Churchill Winston Churchill is now widely regarded as one of the finest orators, and indeed politicians, of the 20th century. Interestingly, like Demosthenes and other noted speakers from history, Churchill was born with a speech impediment that he worked hard at correcting. How different history would be if he hadn’t. This speech, given at the House of Commons on the 4th of June 1940, declared that the British troops ‘shall go on to the end’ in spite of the seemingly devastating results of the Battle of France . Deliverance was achieved, and his words inspired a revitalized spirit among troops and politicians without which history would have been very different. The Best Seaside Towns and Cities Within Easy Reach of London  The Best Things to Do With Kids in Liverpool A Tour of Best Beatles Attractions in Liverpool, UK The 16 Most Beautiful Towns and Villages In England The Best Hotels to Book in the Cotswolds The 5 Best Day Trips to Take From Southampton 10 Great Day Trips to Take From Liverpool, UK 12 Coolest and Most Unusual Things to Do in England The Best Private Trips You Can Book With Your Family 9 Most Unusual and Cool Things to Do in Liverpool 8 Best Unusual Things to Do in Oxford St Moritz, Cornwall: The classic English hotel with a classy new spa Culture Trip Fall Sale Save up to $1,058 on our unique small-group trips! Limited spots. Post ID: 431238 Sponsored? No View Payload For full functionality of this site it is necessary to enable JavaScript. Click here for instructions on how to enable JavaScript in your web browser. Influential Speeches CommonLit is a nonprofit that has everything teachers and schools need for top-notch literacy instruction: a full-year ELA curriculum, benchmark assessments, and formative data. Browse Content Who We Are About Exploring the Language of the 19th Century: Popular Words and Phrases Welcome to 19th Century , a blog dedicated to exploring the fascinating world of the 1800s. In this article, we delve into the linguistic landscape of the era, uncovering unique words and phrases that were commonly used during this transformative period in history. Join us as we unravel the verbal tapestry of the 19th century and unlock its hidden meanings. Table of Contents Exploring the Linguistic Richness of the 19th Century: Unveiling Words and Phrases of the Era The 19th century was a time of significant cultural and linguistic development, with numerous words and phrases emerging that still resonate with us today. This era witnessed the rapid expansion of the English language, as new technologies, scientific discoveries, and social changes brought about the need for new words to describe these advancements. One prominent characteristic of 19th-century language was its elevated and formal tone . Writers and speakers during this period often employed grandiose vocabulary and intricate sentence structures to convey their ideas. The use of flowery language and complex metaphors was common, making communication more poetic and nuanced. In addition, the 19th century saw the rise of specialized terminology in various fields. With the industrial revolution in full swing, terms related to machinery, manufacturing, and transportation became prevalent. Words like “locomotive,” “textile,” and “telegraph” entered the lexicon, reflecting the era’s progress and technological advancements. Furthermore, the 19th century gave birth to several idiomatic expressions that are still in use today. Phrases such as “turning a blind eye,” “barking up the wrong tree,” and “butter someone up” originated during this time, adding color and flavor to everyday conversations. Moreover, the 19th century was marked by political and social movements that influenced the language. The fight for women’s rights, abolitionism, and the spread of democracy prompted the creation of terms like “suffrage,” “emancipation,” and “universal suffrage.” These words reflected the sociopolitical climate and the desire for change in society. Overall, exploring the linguistic richness of the 19th century allows us to uncover a treasure trove of words and phrases that shaped the language we use today. From the elevated and formal tone to the specialized terminology and idiomatic expressions, the language of the era provides a window into the past and a deeper understanding of the historical context in which it emerged. DO NOT SAY ‘I think…’ – say THIS instead – 21 more advanced alternative phrases 11 difficult english accents you won’t understand, what were the popular phrases from the 1900s. During the 19th century , several popular phrases emerged that reflect the cultural and historical context of the time. Some notable phrases include: 1. “Manifest Destiny” – This phrase represented the belief that it was America’s destiny to expand its territory across the continent. 2. “Gone with the wind” – Made famous by Margaret Mitchell’s novel published in 1936, this phrase became synonymous with something lost or irretrievable. 3. “The Industrial Revolution” – This phrase encapsulated the massive social and economic changes that occurred during the 19th century due to advancements in industrial technology. 4. “Survival of the fittest” – Coined by Herbert Spencer and popularized by Charles Darwin, this phrase referred to the concept of natural selection and competition in the animal kingdom, often applied to societal and economic contexts. 5. “Dr. Livingstone, I presume?” – This phrase gained popularity when journalist Henry Morton Stanley uttered it upon meeting Scottish explorer Dr. David Livingstone in Africa in 1871. 6. “Speak softly and carry a big stick” – Associated with President Theodore Roosevelt, this phrase represented his approach to foreign policy, advocating for peaceful negotiations backed up by military strength if needed. 7. “Remember the Alamo” – This phrase served as a rallying cry during the Texas Revolution in 1836 when Texan forces were defeated by Mexican troops at the Battle of the Alamo. 8. “Gold rush” – This phrase referred to the mass migration of people seeking to find gold in areas such as California, Alaska, and Australia during the 19th century. 9. “Bleeding Kansas” – Coined to describe the violent conflicts between pro-slavery and anti-slavery factions in Kansas during the mid-1850s, highlighting the tensions leading up to the American Civil War. 10. “Women’s suffrage” – This phrase represented the fight for women’s right to vote and broader equality, gaining momentum throughout the 19th century. It’s important to note that these phrases emerged throughout the 19th century, but some gained more prominence towards its end. What was the slang term for crazy in the 1800s? In the 1800s, the slang term for crazy was “looney” or “balmy.” These terms were used to describe someone who was mentally unstable or exhibiting erratic behavior. What is the Victorian term for enjoyment? In the context of the 19th century, the Victorian term for enjoyment can be referred to as pleasure or delight . These terms encapsulate the concept of finding satisfaction, amusement, or happiness in various activities or experiences. What was the slang term for money in the 19th century? In the 19th century , the slang term for money varied depending on the region and social class. Here are some common terms: 1. Dough: This term originated from the idea that money could be kneaded like dough. It was commonly used in the United States. 2. Moolah: This term, originating from Yiddish, became popular in American English to refer to money. 3. Greenbacks: Greenbacks were a type of paper currency introduced during the American Civil War. The term was later used more broadly to refer to money in general. 4. Cheddar: This term, derived from the phrase “cheddar cheese” (which was often traded as a form of currency in the past), was used to describe money in British slang. 5. Coins: Specific coin denominations were also referred to with slang terms. For example, a dollar bill was colloquially called a “buck” in the United States. It’s important to note that slang terms for money can vary greatly depending on the time period and geographical location within the 19th century. Frequently Asked Questions What are some common slang words and phrases used in the 19th century. During the 19th century, there were several slang words and phrases commonly used. Here are a few examples: 1. Jolly: This term was often used to describe something or someone as cheerful or enjoyable. For example, “That party last night was a jolly good time!” 2. Copper: A copper was a nickname for a police officer during this time period. It derived from the copper buttons that were often found on their uniforms. 3. Blow: In 19th-century slang, the term “blow” referred to a lavish or extravagant party or event. It was commonly associated with high society gatherings. 4. Deadbeat: This slang term was used to describe someone who was lazy or unwilling to work. It is still used today with a similar meaning. 5. Bustle: A bustle was a type of undergarment worn by women in the 19th century to create a fuller appearance to their skirts. The term also became associated with the bustling activity and busyness of the time. 6. Horsefeathers: Used to express disbelief or dismissal, the term “horsefeathers” was akin to calling something nonsense or foolish. 7. Swell: Swell was a term used to describe someone or something as fashionable or impressive. It was often used to refer to a well-dressed person or a nice-looking place. 8. Dime novel: Dime novels were cheap paperback books that gained popularity during the 19th century. They usually featured sensational or melodramatic stories and were sold for ten cents. 9. Mutton chops: Referring to a style of facial hair, mutton chops were sideburns that extended down along the jawline and were often worn by men in the 19th century. 10. Chucklehead: This term was used to describe someone who was foolish or dim-witted. It was a playful insult commonly used in informal speech. These are just a few examples of the colorful slang words and phrases that were used in the 19th century. The language and expressions of the time reflected the unique culture and history of the era. How did language in the 19th century differ from modern English? In the context of the 19th century, language differed from modern English in several ways. Vocabulary: The vocabulary used in the 19th century was different from modern English. There were words commonly used during that time that are no longer in use today, and vice versa. For example, words like “chaise lounge” (a type of sofa) and “gallant” (meaning brave or courageous) were more common in the 19th century but are not frequently used in modern English. Spelling: Spelling had not been standardized during the 19th century, so you would encounter variations in the spelling of words compared to modern English. Words were often spelled phonetically, leading to inconsistencies. For instance, the word “center” could be spelled as “centre,” and “honor” as “honour.” Punctuation: Punctuation usage was different in the 19th century. The rules for punctuation, such as the placement of commas, quotation marks, and dashes, were not as standardized as they are today. Sentences were often longer, with fewer breaks or pauses. Grammar: Grammar usage also had some differences compared to modern English. There were different rules for verb conjugation, sentence structure, and word order, which can make reading texts from the 19th century feel slightly unfamiliar to a modern English speaker. Formality and Style: The language used in the 19th century was generally more formal and elaborate compared to modern English. It was common for writers to use more ornate and lengthy sentences, as well as more complex vocabulary. This formal tone is often seen in literature and official documents from that era. Overall, the language in the 19th century differed from modern English in terms of vocabulary, spelling, punctuation, grammar, and style. Understanding these differences is important when reading and interpreting texts from that time period. What are some popular idioms or expressions that originated in the 19th century? One can argue that the 19th century was a golden age for the English language, giving birth to numerous idioms and expressions that are still in use today. Some popular idioms and expressions that originated in the 19th century include: 1. Bite the bullet: To face a difficult or unpleasant situation with courage and determination. 2. Break the ice: To initiate a conversation or break down initial social barriers. 3. Caught between a rock and a hard place: To be in a dilemma with no easy solution. 4. The early bird catches the worm: The idea that being proactive and getting an early start gives you an advantage. 5. Kick the bucket: A euphemism for dying. 6. Piece of cake: Used to describe something that is very easy or effortless. 7. Raining cats and dogs: To describe heavy rainfall. 8. Turn a blind eye: To purposely ignore or pretend not to notice something. 9. Whole nine yards: Everything or the complete extent of something. 10. X marks the spot: Refers to a specific location or target. These idioms and expressions were coined during the 19th century and have become part of everyday language, with their origins often rooted in historical events or cultural references of the time. Exploring the words and phrases of the 19th century provides a fascinating glimpse into the linguistic landscape of that era. From the transcendental ideals of the Romantics to the progressive spirit of the Industrial Revolution, these linguistic artifacts reflect the social, cultural, and technological changes that shaped the 19th century world. By delving into the vocabulary and expressions of this time period, we can gain a deeper understanding of the thoughts, beliefs, and aspirations of those who lived during this transformative period in history. So let’s not allow these words and phrases to be forgotten; instead, let’s celebrate their richness and continue to explore the legacy they have left behind. 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Find pictures and photos of historic people and events. The greatest of all Barbarian rulers, Attila kicked rear on a large scale. Also called the Persian Wars, the Greco-Persian Wars were fought for almost half a century from 492 BC - 449 BC. 10 of the Most Famous and Inspirational Speeches from History The Gettysburg Address is one of the most famous speeches in American history, yet it was extremely short - just 268 words, or less than a page of text - and Abraham Lincoln, who gave the address, wasn't even the top billing. The US President Abraham Lincoln gave this short address at the dedication of the Soldiers' National Cemetery in Gettysburg, Pennsylvania on 19 November 1863. Famous Speeches in History Next Page. Famous Speeches by Date: 1851-1900. All speeches are organized by topic, by speaker, in chronological order, and by group. Speeches by Group. Frequently Viewed Speeches. The greatest of all Barbarian rulers, Attila kicked rear on a large scale. Looking at 10 great speeches in American History 9. Dr. King's "I Have A Dream" speech. King's speech at the Lincoln Memorial in August 1963, in front of 250,000 people, is also one of the most-analyzed speeches in modern history. But King hadn't included the sequence about the "Dream" in his prepared remarks. Singer Mahalia Jackson yelled for King to speak about "the Dream ... Classic British and American Essays and Speeches The Destiny of Colored Americans: "Slavery is the peculiar weakness of America, as well as its peculiar crime." A Glorious Resurrection: "My long-crushed spirit rose." W.E.B. Du Bois (1868-1963) W.E.B. Du Bois was an American scholar and human rights activist, a respected author and historian of literature. 15 Great Speeches to Remind America what Independence Day is About 4. Daniel Webster "Speech at the laying of the cornerstone of the capitol," July 4, 1851. Daniel Webster was one of the most prominent lawyers in the 19 th century, arguing over 200 cases before the Supreme Court. He also represented New Hampshire and Massachusetts in Congress and was Secretary of State under three presidents. The Five Best Inaugural Addresses of the 19th Century But a few stand out as being quite good, and one in particular, Lincoln's second inaugural, is generally considered one of the greatest speeches in all of American history. Cite this Article. Some of the best inaugural addresses in American history were delivered in the 1800s, as presidents endeavored to steer the nation in new directions. Famous Speeches and Writings by Abraham Lincoln Abraham Lincoln's ability to write and deliver great speeches made him a rising star in national politics and propelled him to the White House. And during his years in office, classic speeches, especially the Gettysburg Address and Lincoln 's Second Inaugural Address, helped to establish him as one of the greatest American presidents. 6 of the Most Important Speeches in History Martin Luther King - I Have A Dream (1963) Undoubtedly one of the most famous speeches in history, when Martin Luther King took to the podium in August 1963, he cannot have known exactly how powerful his words would prove. Speaking to a crowd of 250,000 at the Lincoln Memorial, Washington D.C., King's words have been echoed by those ... American Speeches: Political Oratory from the Revolution to the Civil 28.00 List Price: $35.00 (Save: 20%) Free shipping. Or buy from our partners. Amazon. Barnes and Noble. Bookshop.org. Phone orders: 1-800-964-5778 Request product #201790. ISBN: 978-1-93108297-6 810 pages. LOA books are distributed worldwide by Penguin Random House. N° 166 Library of America Series. Words of a Century : The Top 100 American Speeches, 1900-1999 Boldly breaking the mold of previous anthologies, Words of a Century: The Top 100 American Speeches, 1900-1999 contains the complete--and authentic--texts of the best American speeches of the twentieth century as delivered to their immediate audiences. It features a remarkable array of speakers, from Woodrow Wilson, Clarence Darrow, and Carrie Chapman Catt to Martin Luther King, Ronald Reagan ... Master ORATORY ART 2. Industrialization: The 19th century witnessed the transformative impact of industrialization. This period saw the rise of factories, urbanization, and technological advancements. The idea of progress through industrialization became prominent, but it also raised concerns about labor conditions and social inequality. When People Knew How to Speak: Oratory in the 19th Century How to be a good orator. A "how to" book published in 1823 defined oratory as "the art of communicating, by the immediate action of the vocal and expressive organs, to popular, or to select assemblies, the dictates of our reason, or our will, and the workings of our passions, feelings, and imaginations.". Oratory…includes the idea of ... MASTER 19th Century SPEECH The 19th century was a period of significant social and cultural change in America, with the expansion of territories, industrialization, and the abolitionist movement shaping the language spoken during this era. One key aspect of 19th century American speech was the regional dialects that emerged across different parts of the country. List of speeches 2 Pre-19th century. 3 Nineteenth century. 4 Twentieth century. Toggle Twentieth century subsection. 4.1 Pre-World War I and World War I. ... This list of speeches includes those that have gained notability in English or in English translation. The earliest listings may be approximate dates. Before the 1st century 19th Century GREAT PREACHERS Welcome to 19th Century, a blog dedicated to exploring the remarkable era of the 1800s.In this article, we delve into the captivating world of great preachers who left an indelible mark on society. Join us as we uncover their powerful sermons, influential teachings, and their profound impact on the spiritual landscape of the 19th century. Major Speeches in Black History by Douglass, DuBois and dozens of Some of the greatest individuals in black history have delivered some of the most significant speeches in American history. Their names and words are iconic. ... Sojourner Truth (c. 1797-1883) was arguably the most famous of the 19th century's black women orators. Born into slavery in New York and freed in 1827 under the state's gradual ... Words of a Century: The Top 100 American Speeches, 1900-1999 Words of a Century: The Top 100 American Speeches, 1900-1999; Words of a Century: The Top 100 American Speeches, 1900-1999. Author/Editor(s): Lucas, Stephen E., Medhurst, Martin J. Publication Location & Press: Oxford University Press. Library of Congress Number: PS668 .W67 2009. Publication Status: Available. The History Place Susan B. Anthony - On Women's Right to Vote (1873) Tony Blair - To the Irish Parliament (1998) Napoleon Bonaparte - Farewell to the Old Guard (1814) Edmund Burke - On the Death of Marie Antoinette (1793) George Bush - Announcing War Against Iraq (1991) George W. Bush - After September 11th (2001) Jimmy Carter - Tribute to Hubert Humphrey (1977) History's Most Influential Speeches The slave trade is a black mark on Western history, and it can come as somewhat of a shock that it wasn't until the early 19th century that slavery was abolished in Britain. In a speech to the British Parliament in May 1789, William Wilberforce gave an impassioned account on why the trade needed to cease and was morally reprehensible. His ... Famous Speeches in History Excerpt from "On Drought Conditions". President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. In 1936, FDR addresses the "Dust Bowl" problem that had caused an agricultural crisis. 9th Grade. Speech. 1310L. Study some of the most influential speeches in history and learn how they changed the world. 19th Century SPEECH: Unlock OLDEN Words & Phrases During the 19th century, several popular phrases emerged that reflect the cultural and historical context of the time. Some notable phrases include: 1. "Manifest Destiny" - This phrase represented the belief that it was America's destiny to expand its territory across the continent. 2. essay homework paper phd project resume review study thesis