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Tsinghua University
Tsinghua University - Tsinghua University School of Economics and Management
Date Written: August 25, 2024
Artificial Intelligence (AI) is increasingly being integrated into scientific research, particularly in the social sciences, where understanding human behavior is critical. Large Language Models (LLMs) such as GPT-4 have shown promise in replicating human-like responses in various psychological experiments. However, the extent to which LLMs can effectively replace human subjects across diverse experimental contexts remains unclear. Here, we conduct a large-scale study replicating 154 psychological experiments from top social science journals with 618 main effects and 138 interaction effects using GPT-4 as a simulated participant. We find that GPT-4 successfully replicates 76.0% of main effects and 47.0% of interaction effects observed in original studies, closely mirroring human responses in both direction and significance. However, only 19.44% of GPT-4's replicated confidence intervals contain the original effect sizes, with the majority of replicated effect sizes exceeding the 95% confidence interval of the original studies, and showing a 71.6% rate of unexpected significant results where the original studies reported null findings, suggesting potential overestimation or false positives. Our results demonstrate the potential of LLMs as powerful tools in psychological research but also emphasize the need for caution in interpreting AI-driven findings. While LLMs can complement human studies, they cannot yet fully replace the nuanced insights provided by human subjects.
Keywords: Generative AI, GPT-4, AI for social science, Psychological Experiment, Research Replication, LLM, Effect Size
JEL Classification: C91, D91, C81
Suggested Citation: Suggested Citation
Ning li (contact author), tsinghua university - tsinghua university school of economics and management ( email ).
Beijing China
Beijing China 13570476247 (Phone)
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Aquatic organisms are subject to various forcing factors that affect their structure, some of which are natural, while others result from human activities, both having variable effects. This study aimed to determine the importance of a natural stressor (zooplankton) and an herbicide (atrazine) on phytoplankton density and morphological composition in a microcosm experiment. A natural phytoplankton assemblage was exposed to two zooplankton predators: a copepod ( Argyrodiaptomus falcifer ) and a cladoceran ( Ceriodaphnia dubia ), and to atrazine (27 µg L −1 ), in three combinations of factors (zooplankton treatments (Z), atrazine treatment (A), the combination of both (ZA)) plus a Control. The experiment lasted 48 h. Samples were taken at the beginning and the end of the experiment, and relevant limnological variables, including inorganic nutrient concentrations, were considered. Results indicated differences in phytoplankton densities when treatments were compared with Control. In this respect, Chlorophyceae, Euglenophyceae, and Bacillariophyceae exhibited more changes than other phytoplankton classes. Chlorophyceae densities tended to be higher in the Control than in the treatments; the combination of zooplankton and atrazine favored Euglenophyceae, while atrazine favored Bacillariophyceae densities. Regarding morphological groups, unicellular and small colonies (<35 µm), showed differences between the Control and particularly with Z treatment, colonial-cenobia forms were negatively affected by atrazine and silica forms were favored by both stressors combined. It is concluded that interactions among natural and anthropogenic stressors could be complex, influencing factors such as phytoplankton taxonomical affinities, morphological groups, and the nature of the stressor applied.
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We thank C. Mora for her help in nutrient quantification and the two anonymous reviewers who improved this manuscript with their comments and suggestions. Dr. Zaki academic visit to Argentina was supported by a post-doctoral TWAS UNESCO-CONICET scholarship.
This research was made possible by financial support from the National Council for Scientific and Technical Research (CONICET) through the project grant PICT n° 1586-2019 awarded by D. Frau.
Authors and affiliations.
Department of Biological Science, Kaduna State University, P.M.B 2339, Tafawa Balewa Way, Abuja, Kaduna State, Nigeria
Suzie Kuyet Zaky
Instituto Nacional de Limnología (CONICET-UNL), Ciudad Universitaria, 3000, Santa Fe, Argentina
María Florencia Gutierrez & Diego Frau
Escuela de Sanidad. Facultad de Bioquímica y Ciencias Biológicas, Ciudad Universitaria, 3000, Santa Fe, Argentina
María Florencia Gutierrez
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DF and MFG designed the experiment, SKZ performed the experiment and processed phytoplankton samples, DF analyzed data and wrote the manuscript, SKZ, MFG, and DF revised the manuscript. All the authors agreed with the final version of the manuscript.
Correspondence to Diego Frau .
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The authors declare no competing interests.
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Zaky, S.K., Gutierrez, M.F. & Frau, D. The role of predation and pesticides in shaping phytoplankton dynamics in a short microcosms experiment. Ecotoxicology (2024). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10646-024-02805-4
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DOI : https://doi.org/10.1007/s10646-024-02805-4
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Paul weindling.
1 Oxford Brookes University, History, Philosophy and Religion, Headington Campus, Oxford OX3 0BP, United Kingdom
2 Independent Data Analyst
3 Oxford Brookes University, Centre for Medical Humanities, Department of History, Philosophy and Religion, Gypsy Lane, Oxford OX3 0BP, United Kingdom
4 University of Calgary, Cumming School of Medicine, 2500 University Drive NW, Calgary T2N 1N4, Canada
5 Independent Holocaust Historian
There has been no full evaluation of the numbers of victims of Nazi research, who the victims were, and of the frequency and types of experiments and research. This paper gives the first results of a comprehensive evidence-based evaluation of the different categories of victims. Human experiments were more extensive than often assumed with a minimum of 15,754 documented victims. Experiments rapidly increased from 1942, reaching a high point in 1943. The experiments remained at a high level of intensity despite imminent German defeat in 1945. There were more victims who survived than were killed as part of or as a result of the experiments, and the survivors often had severe injuries.
The coerced human experiments and research under National Socialism constitute a reference point in modern bioethics. 7 Yet discussions of consent and the need for safeguards for research subjects to date lack a firm basis in historical evidence. There has been no full evaluation of the numbers of victims of Nazi research, who the victims were, and of the frequency and types of experiments and research. The one partial estimate is restricted to experiments cited at the Nuremberg Medical Trial. This paper gives the first results of a comprehensive evidence-based evaluation of the different categories of victims. In 1945 liberated prisoners from German concentration camps began to collect evidence of the experiments.
The scientific intelligence officer John Thompson then pointed out not only that 90% of all medical research under National Socialism was criminal, but also the need to evaluate all criminal experiments under National Socialism, and not just those whose perpetrators were available for arrest and prosecution. 8 The Nuremberg Medical Trial of 1946–47 was necessarily selective as to who was available for prosecution, and since then only clusters of victims have been identified. 9 In the early 1980s Günther Schwarberg named a set of child victims: his reconstruction the life histories of the ‘twenty children’ killed after transport from Auschwitz for a tuberculosis immunisation experiment at Neuengamme concentration camp was exemplary. 10 The question arises whether what Schwarberg achieved in microcosm can be achieved for the totality of victims. Our aim is to identify not just clusters of victims but all victims of unethical medical research under National Socialism. The methodology is that of record linkage to reconstruct life histories of the total population of all such research victims. This allows one to place individual survivors and groups of victims within a wider context.
This project on the victims of Nazi medical research represents the fulfilment of Thompson's original scheme of a complete record of all coerced experiments and their victims. 11 Our project identifies for the first time the victims of Nazi coercive research, and reconstructs their life histories as far as possible. Biographical data found in many different archives and collections is linked to compile a full life history, and subjective narratives and administrative data are compared. Results are aggregated here as cohorts because of undertakings as regards anonymisation, given in order to gain access to key sources. All data is verifiable through the project database.
The criterion for unethical research is whether coercion by researchers was involved, or whether the location was coercive. The project has covered involuntary research in clinical contexts as psychiatric hospitals, incarceration in concentration camps and prisoner of war camps, the ‘euthanasia’ killings of psychiatric patients with subsequent retention of body parts for research, and executions of political victims, when body parts were sent to university anatomical institutes, and persons subjected to anthropological research in coercive and life threatening situations as ghettoes and concentration camps.
Without a reliable, evidence-based historical analysis, compensation for surviving victims has involved many problems. Victim numbers have been consistently underestimated from the first compensation scheme in 1951 when the assumption was of only few hundred survivors. 12 The assumption was that most experiments were fatal. This project's use of several thousand compensation records in countries where victims lived (as Poland) or migrated to (as Israel), or were collected by the United Nations or the German government has corrected this impression. The availability of person-related evidence from the International Tracing Service at Bad Arolsen further helps to determine whether a victim survived. Major repositories of documents like the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum and the Yad Vashem archives, court records in war crimes proceedings, and oral history collections notably the Shoah Foundation have been consulted. Record linkage of named records is essential for the project, and shows how a single person could be the victim of research on multiple occasions. Father Leon Michałowski, born 22 March 1909 in Wąbrzeźno, was subjected to malaria in August 1942 and then to freezing experiments in October 1942 ( Figure 1 ).
Malaria card of Father Bruno Stachowski from Claus Schilling's research at Dachau. Approximately 1000 cards were kept back from destruction by the prisoner assistant Eugène Ost. International Tracing Service, source number 1079406301.
A further issue relates to the methods and organisation of the research. From the 1950s the experiments were viewed as ‘pseudo-science’, in effect marginalising them from mainstream science under National Socialism. For the purpose of this study, the experiments have been viewed as part of mainstream German medical research, as this renders rationales and supportive networks historically intelligible. It is clear that prestigious research institutions such as the Kaiser Wilhelm Society and funding agencies such as the German Research Fund were involved. 13 It has been argued more recently that some experiments were cutting edge science. 14 Another view is that the approach and methods were scientific albeit of varying quality. For the purpose of this study, the experiments have been viewed as part of mainstream German medical research, as this renders rationales and supportive networks intelligible.
Defining what constitutes research is problematic. For example, a listing of operations in a concentration camp may be nothing more than a clinical record, may have been undertaken by young surgeons seeking to improve their skills, or may indeed have involved research. As stated above, only confirmed data of research has been utilised in the project's category of a verified instance of unethical research. The only exception is the corpses sent to anatomical institutes for research purposes. 15 Separating these out often does not appear possible, but the project includes anatomical research on body parts and brains as separate categories.
The project has graded victim evidence into two categories, so that there should be a set of verifiable and proven victims established as incontestable evidence of having been a victim. The unexpectedly high numbers of identified experiment victims makes this necessary. The two categories are:
The project did not set out to adjudicate on the authenticity of victims’ claims. In Warsaw ca. 3600 compensation files of victims of human experiments were viewed, while there are a further 10,000 files representing claims deemed unsuccessful. It is sometimes unclear whether extensive injuries were retrospectively defined to have resulted from an experiment to meet the criteria of the compensation scheme offered by the Federal Republic of Germany in various forms since 1951, or whether experimentation had taken place in a hitherto unknown location. The project discounted claims of abuse when no experiment or research was involved, or when victims having misunderstood compensation schemes for experiments being about ‘experiences’. It is hoped that further research will provide confirmation of experiments in disputed locations like the concentration camps of Stutthof and Theresienstadt. 16 While Yugoslav victims were abused for experiments in German concentration camps, claims for experiments in the former Yugoslavia and Northern Norway have not so far been confirmed. The grading of victims’ claims into the verified and as yet unverified enable the project to establish verifiable minimum numbers, while indicating the possibility of higher numbers being confirmed by further research.
The project is able to present results on: how many victims were killed in the course of the experiment, how many died from the consequences of the experiment or were killed as potential evidence of Nazi criminality, and how many survived? The project has covered experiments, as the most notorious experiments taken to the point of death and supported by the SS in concentration camps, as well as dispersed experiments in a variety of clinical contexts, particularly on psychiatric patients. Some sets of experiments and locations, not least those sponsored by German pharmaceutical companies remain shadowy, and require more detailed research possibly on the basis of further disclosure of documents held in company archives. The extent of involvement of German pharmaceutical companies like that of IG-Farben (using the branded product names of ‘Bayer’, ‘Hoechst’ and ‘Behringwerke’) remains contentious. The company supplied Helmuth Vetter with samples for experiments at Auschwitz and Mauthausen. Similarly problematic is the extent that Schering-Kahlbaum supported Clauberg's uses of X-ray contrast fluids and a substance to seal the fallopian tubes at Auschwitz. Initially, Clauberg asked for deliveries to his clinic at Königshütte (so making the experiments appear as taking place in a consensual clinical context), but later on to Auschwitz. The extent that the company's senior staff knew that their employee and Clauberg's pharmaceutical assistant Johannes Goebel worked at Auschwitz is contentious ( Figure 2 ). 17
Carl Clauberg and Horst Schumann at Block 10 in Auschwitz. United States Holocaust Memorial Museum W/S #67417.
The occurrence of unethical research provides insight into the structure of Nazi medical research. The project traced how Nazi coercive research began in the context of eugenic research in the mid-1930s. After numbers of experiments dipped in 1940 due to military call-up of medical researchers, the research rapidly intensified both in terms of numbers of experiments and victims, and in terms of severity for victims. This can be seen from 1942 with the notorious and often fatal experiments on low pressure, exposure to freezing temperatures, and infectious diseases when research could be taken to the point of death. Pharmacological experiments on therapies for tetanus, typhus and typhoid were spurred by the realisation that Allied military medical research on infectious diseases was outstripping German military medical expertise. From November 1942 racial priorities came increasingly to the fore, as exemplified by Schumann's X-ray sterilisation experiments on Jews in Auschwitz.
Victims were a highly international group. The above table ( Table 1 ) shows numbers of nationalities, using nationality as in 1938. The table indicates the distribution of nationalities. The largest national group, that of Polish victims, includes both Roman Catholics and Jews. There were high numbers of German and Austrian victims, in part as a result of the experiments and dissections that accompanied the killing of psychiatric patients. While there were other large groups, there are also smaller national groups, as Swiss, British and Irish, all highly remarkable in how their citizens became caught up in the experimentation. We find victims include a Swiss conscientious objector used for malaria experiments at Dachau, and British commandos captured in Norway used for amphetamine and high performance experiments on the shoe track at Sachsenhausen, and subsequently executed.
Nationality (as at March 1938).
Nationality | Confirmed victim | Pending | Total |
---|---|---|---|
Austrian | 782 | 17 | 799 |
Belgian | 16 | 32 | 48 |
British | 16 | 2 | 18 |
Czechoslovakian | 264 | 1020 | 1284 |
Danish | 2 | 1 | 3 |
Dutch | 265 | 26 | 291 |
French | 156 | 57 | 213 |
German | 2254 | 123 | 2377 |
Greek | 426 | 18 | 444 |
Hungarian | 609 | 1393 | 2002 |
Irish (Republic) | 1 | 1 | |
Italian | 71 | 6 | 77 |
Latvian | 1 | 1 | 2 |
Lithuanian | 4 | 2 | 6 |
Luxembourgian | 1 | 1 | |
Norwegian | 11 | 1 | 12 |
Polish | 2737 | 4168 | 6905 |
Romanian | 51 | 39 | 90 |
Soviet | 1022 | 26 | 1048 |
Spanish | 22 | 4 | 26 |
Stateless | 449 | 4 | 453 |
Swedish | 1 | 1 | |
Swiss | 3 | 3 | |
Yugoslav | 536 | 3421 | 3957 |
Unknown | 6054 | 1644 | 7698 |
Grand total | 15,754 | 12,005 | 27,759 |
Statistics on gender indicate a proportion of male to female of approximately 2:1 ( Table 2 ). One possible reason is the high number of military experiments as related to infectious diseases. Another is that more men than women were held in concentration camps, so that there was a higher male availability in the predominately male camps. In Ravensbrück the situation was reversed with the large female camp and a small male compound ( Figure 3 ).
Clandestine photograph of a mutilated leg of the Polish political prisoner Bogumiła Babińska-Dobrowska at Ravensbrück concentration camp. United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, courtesy of Anna Hassa Jarosky and Peter Hassa W/S #69340.
Gender | Confirmed victim | Pending | Total |
---|---|---|---|
Female | 3960 | 4381 | 8341 |
Male | 9700 | 7188 | 16,888 |
Unknown | 2094 | 436 | 2530 |
Total | 15,754 | 12,005 | 27,759 |
While for most nationalities male victims were the majority, in the case of certain national groups, female victims were in the majority. This is the case for victim groups from the Netherlands (in the case of sterilisation at Auschwitz), and Greece (for the Jewish skeleton collection). Children were often victims of experiments in psychiatric clinics. Later in the war, Roma and Jewish children were targeted for research by Mengele in Auschwitz.
The statistics show the age distribution was the same for men and women. While there was a very wide age spectrum, the peak is of victims born in 1921, so in their early twenties at the time of the experiment ( Figure 4 ). Several hundred Jewish children were held by Mengele for twin research, and batches of Jewish children were dispatched for hepatitis and tuberculosis research, and body parts of small children were retained by psychiatric researchers.
Age of victims at the start of experiment.
Ethnicity and religion have been recorded, as for the definitively confirmed experiment victims ( Table 3 ). Here, one is thrown back on the categories imposed by the Nazis. Thus a victim of the Jewish skeleton collection for the anatomy department at Strasbourg was baptised Protestant. 18 Generally, the Nazis used the generic and stigmatising term of ‘Zigeuner’ or gypsy rather than the self-identifying terms of ‘Sinti’ and ‘Roma’.
Ethnicity | Confirmed victims (15,754) |
---|---|
Jewish | 20% (3098) |
Roma and Sinti | 2% (335) |
Unknown or other | 78% (12,321) |
In addition to the experiment victims are Roma and Sinti victims of large scale anthropological investigations of Ritter, Justin, and Ehrhardt, amounting to at least a further 21,498 persons ( Figure 5 ).
A gypsy used for seawater experiments in Dachau to test methods of making seawater drinkable, ca. July–September 1944. United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, courtesy of National Archives and Records Administration, College Park W/S #78688.
If however one takes the year 1943 we find a higher proportion of Jewish victims, in part because of the intensification of experiments on Jews (particularly on women and children) at Auschwitz and Auschwitz-Birkenau. This would again indicate that there was an intensification of racial research ( Table 4 ).
Religion | Confirmed victims | Pending | Total |
---|---|---|---|
Jewish | 3076 | 792 | 3868 |
Other or unknown | 12,678 | 11,217 | 23,891 |
Grand total | 15,754 | 12,008 | 27,759 |
Victim number indicates how from 1942 onwards there was an overall intensification of research ( Figure 6 ).
Start year of experiments.
The life history approach allows appraisal of both experiments and victim numbers over time. The period 1933–39 shows sporadic experimentation in the context of racial hygiene. Mixed race adolescents were sterilised and evaluated by anthropologists. The concerns of racial hygiene with mental illness explain why psychiatrists and neurologists conducted experiments in psychiatric institutions. The psychiatrist Georg Schaltenbrand pointed out that his neurological research subjects were transferred to other institutions, many as we now know to be killed. This interrupted his research on the transmissibility of multiple sclerosis. The numbers of brains and body parts increased. From 1942 onwards there was an overall intensification of research.
The chart ( Figure 7 ) shows when experiments started, but not the distribution of victims over time.
Victims by start year of each experiment.
The largest series of experiments were for infectious diseases. Malaria research at Dachau between 1942 and 1945 had 1091 confirmed victims, and after infection different combinations of drugs were tested. These experiments by Schilling began in 1942 and remarkably Schilling tried to continue the research after the liberation of the camp. 19
He pleaded at his trial to be allowed to continue the research, albeit on volunteers. The highest numbers were in 1943. The momentum continued even though the war was clearly lost. Other large groups included the twins researched on by Mengele, and to date 618 individuals are known ( Figure 8 ).
Twins Frank (lt) and Otto (rt) Klein attend a world gathering of survivors of Dr. Joseph Mengele's medical experiments at Auschwitz. United States Holocaust Memorial Museum W/S #05586.
The overall findings provide an accurate basis for analysis of experiments to date. First, nearly a quarter of confirmed victims were either killed to obtain their organs for research, or died as a result of experiments taking the research subject to the point of death (notoriously, the experiments on freezing and low pressure at Dachau). The euthanasia killings and executions were sources of bodies for research, and the extent that this happened and research conducted before and after the end of the war is still being documented. Of the fully documented victims died 781 died before the end of the war as a result of the experiments: research subjects were weakened by the strain of the experiment such as a deliberate infection or severe cold, or they were deliberately killed because it was feared that they would testify against the perpetrators ( Table 5 ).
Fatalities.
Circumstances of death | Confirmed victim | Pending | Total |
---|---|---|---|
Body used for research (e.g. euthanasia and executed victims) | 2956 | 50 | 3006 |
Died (e.g. from injuries) or killed after the experiment | 781 | 23 | 804 |
Died from experimental procedures (e.g. when onset of death studied from freezing) | 383 | 171 | 554 |
Grand total | 4120 | 244 | 4364 |
While, most subjects survived, amounting to 24,010 persons, many had severe physical disabilities with life-long consequences. 20
The analysis presented here shows that several types of unethical medical research occurred under National Socialism. Not only were large numbers of victims affected, but also overall, numbers of surviving victims were far higher than anticipated. The survivors were often seriously disabled and handicapped for the remainder of their lives. The experiments gained in numbers with the war and the implementation of the Holocaust, and were sustained at a high level of intensity despite imminent defeat.
One issue arising is that body parts of deceased victims were retained by medical research and teaching institutes, notably for anatomy and brain research. While there was meant to be full disclosure of specimens deriving from euthanasia victims and executed persons by 1990, specimens continue to be identified. 21 The complex data is to be further augmented and refined, the history of specimens retained for research during and after WW2 is being documented, and the narratives of survivors analysed in order to understand more fully the consequences of coerced research. This research provides a basis in historical evidence for discussions of the ethics of coerced medical research.
Wellcome Trust Grant No 096580/Z/11/A on research subject narratives.
AHRC GRANT AH/E509398/1 Human Experiments under National Socialism.
Conference for Jewish Material Claims Against Germany Application 8229/Fund SO 29.
7 Annas G, Grodin M. The Nazi Doctors and the Nuremberg Code . New York: Oxford University Press; 1992; Weindling P. Nazi Medicine and the Nuremberg Trials: From Medical War Crimes to Informed Consent . Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan; 2000.
8 Weindling P. John Thompson (1906–1965): Psychiatrist in the Shadow of the Holocaust . Rochester: Rochester University Press; 2010.
9 Klee E. Auschwitz, die NS-Medizin und ihre Opfer . Frankfurt am Main: S. Fischer Verlag; 1997; Mitscherlich A, Mielke F. Wissenschaft ohne Menschlichkeit . Heidelberg: Lambert Schneider; 1949. See also Schwarberg G. The Murders at Bullenhuser Damm: The SS Doctor and the Children . Bloomington: Indiana University Press; 1984.
10 Lang H-J. Die Namen der Nummern: Wie es gelang, die 86 Opfer eines NS-Verbrechens zu identifizieren. Hamburg: Hoffmann und Campe; 2004.
11 Brody H, Leonard S, Nie J-B, Weindling P. United States Responses to Japanese Wartime Inhuman Experimentation after World War II: National Security and Wartime Exigency. Cambridge Quarterly of Healthcare Ethics 2014; 23: 220–230.
12 Baumann S. Menschenversuche und Wiedergutmachung . München: Oldenbourg; 2009.
13 Schwerin A von. Experimentalisierung des Menschen: Der Genetiker Hans Nachtsheim und die vergleichende Erbpathologie 1920–1945 . Göttingen: Wallstein Verlag; 2004; Schmuhl H-W. The Kaiser Wilhelm Institute for Anthropology, Human Heredity and Eugenics, 1927–1945: Crossing Boundaries . Dordrecht: Springer; 2008.
14 Roelcke V. Fortschritt ohne Rücksicht, In: Eschebach I, Ley A. eds . Geschlecht und “Rasse” in der NS-Medizin . Berlin: Metropol Verlag; 2012: 101–114.
15 Hildebrandt S. Anatomy in the Third Reich: An outline, Part 1. National Socialist politics, anatomical institutions, and anatomists. Clinical Anatomy 2009; 22: 883–893.
16 Hunt N. The Soviet Experience of Nazi Medicine: Statistics, Stories and Stereotypes . MPhil thesis, Oxfrod Brookes University; 2011; and Loewenau A. The impact of Nazi medical experiments on Polish inmates at Dachau, Auschwitz and Ravensbück . PhD thesis, Oxford Brookes University; 2012.
17 Weindling, P. Victims and Survivors of Nazi Human Experiments: Science and suffering in the Holocaust. London: Bloomsbury; 2014.
18 www.die-namen-der-nummern.de/html/the_names.html (accessed 8 October 2014).
19 Eckart WU, Vondra H. Malaria and World War II: German malaria experiments 1939–45 . Parassitologia 2000; 42:53–58.
20 Loewenau A. Die “Kaninchen” von Ravensbrück: Eine Fotogeschichte. In: Eschebach I, Ley A eds. Geschlecht und “Rasse” in der NS-Medizin . Berlin: Metropol Verlag; 2012:115–140.
21 Weindling P. “Cleansing” Anatomical Collections: The Politics of Removing Specimens from German Anatomical and Medical Collections 1988–92. Annals of Anatomy 2012; 194:237–242.
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VIDEO
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Background: Institutional review boards (IRBs), duly constituted under the Office of Human Research Protection, have the federally mandated responsibility of reviewing research involving human subjects to ensure that a proposed protocol meets the appropriate ethical guidelines before subjects may be enrolled in any study. The road leading to the current regulations and ethical considerations ...
Human subject research is systematic, scientific investigation that can be either interventional (a "trial") or observational (no "test article") and involves human beings as research subjects, commonly known as test subjects.Human subject research can be either medical (clinical) research or non-medical (e.g., social science) research. [1] Systematic investigation incorporates both the ...
The Federal Policy for the Protection of Human Subjects or the "Common Rule" was published in 1991 and codified in separate regulations by 15 Federal departments and agencies, as listed below. The HHS regulations, 45 CFR part 46, include four subparts: subpart A, also known as the Federal Policy or the "Common Rule"; subpart B ...
According to 45 CFR 46 , a human subject is "a living individual about whom an investigator (whether professional or student) conducting research: Obtains information or biospecimens through intervention or interaction with the individual, and uses, studies, or analyzes the information or biospecimens; or. Obtains, uses, studies, analyzes, or ...
Exempt Human Subjects Research . Common Rule Exemptions Videos . Determining When the Common Rule Requirements Apply . Conclusion. Wrap Up . Overview. Part 1: Background of Human Subjects Research. Part 2: Is the Activity Research? Part 3: Does the Research Involve Human Subjects? Part 4: Is the Human Subjects Research Exempt? Conclusion
Human subjects are living individuals about whom researchers obtain information or biospecimens through interaction, intervention, or observation of private behavior, to also include the use, study, and analysis of said information or biospecimens. Obtaining, using, analyzing, and generating identifiable private information or identifiable ...
Pre-Award and Post-Award Processes. Learn about the process of applying for a grant, cooperative agreement, or R&D contract, as it relates to the involvement of human subjects research. Find useful resources on how to prepare your Protection of Human Subjects section, and learn about next steps after submitting your grant application or proposal.
Core issues regarding human subject research. Basic ethical principles such as respect for persons, beneficence, and justice are common to most ethical codes in the world, and in turn inform and are linked to (1) the notion of informed consent, (2) the assessment of risks and benefits, and (3) the selection of human subjects and discrimination.
Introduction. One of the primary ethical justifications for conducting research with human subjects is to benefit society.[1-5] This normative principle is explicitly stated or implied in many codes, guidelines, and regulations pertaining to research with human subjects.[6-10] According to the Nuremberg Code, an experiment with a human subject should "be such as to yield fruitful results for ...
Human research protections. Research with human participants has proven invaluable in advancing knowledge in the biomedical, behavioral, and social sciences. Such research is strictly regulated, with laws at the federal, state, and local levels. Further, professional societies have developed discipline-specific standards, policies, and ...
The Ethical Landscape. Ethical issues in human research generally arise in relation to population groups that are vulnerable to abuse. For example, much of the ethically dubious research conducted in poor countries would not occur were the level of medical care not so limited. Similarly, the cruelty of the Tuskegee experiments clearly reflected ...
The Office for Human Research Protections (OHRP) provides leadership in the protection of the rights, welfare, and wellbeing of human subjects involved in research conducted or supported by the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS). OHRP is part of the Office of the Assistant Secretary for Health in the Office of the Secretary of ...
The NIH defines an intervention as a manipulation of the subject or the subject's environment for the purpose of modifying one or more health-related biomedical or behavioral processes and/or endpoints. The NIH further defines a clinical trial as a research study in which one or more human subjects are prospectively assigned to one or more ...
INTRODUCTION. Experimentation on human beings may be as old as medicine itself. The search for new therapies - drugs, devices, and procedures - required that someone go first, some individual participate in the trial of an innovative treatment, and experience both the risks and benefits of that participation.
Experimental controls establish a baseline for the experiment. When conducting human subject experiments in physiology, the control might consist of a separate group of people, the control group, who are not exposed to any manipulation of the independent variable, or it might be the same group of subjects tested before (and then after) altering ...
The main points of the 1931 Guidelines for Human Experimentation are as follows: [5] Full unambiguous and informed consent from test subjects is required, except in extreme extenuating circumstances. Risks should be balanced out by potential benefits. Caution should be taken for subjects under 18 years old. Extreme caution should be taken if ...
ORI Introduction to RCR: Chapter 3. The Protection of Human Subjects. The voluntary consent of the human subject is absolutely essential. The experiment should be such as to yield fruitful results for the good of society. The experiment should be so designed and based on the results of animal experimentation and a knowledge of the natural ...
Likewise, the discovery in the 1970s that unwitting subjects had been allowed to suffer syphilis in the 1930s Tuskegee Experiment preceded a call for tighter regulation of federally-funded human research. Between these unfortunate incidents, groups of regulators and researchers have worked to refine the protections provided to human subjects.
Prior to World War II, there were no international ethics codes concerning research with human subjects, and only one country, Prussia (now part of Germany), had any human experimentation laws. The first known use of an informed consent form in medical research was by U.S. Army physician Walter Reed (1851-1902).
Nazi human experimentation was a series of medical experiments on prisoners by Nazi Germany in its concentration camps mainly between 1942 and 1945. There were 15,754 documented victims, of various nationalities and age groups, although the true number is believed to be more extensive. ... In these experiments, subjects had their bones, muscles ...
The Nuremberg Code. The voluntary consent of the human subject is absolutely essential. This means that the person involved should have legal capacity to give consent; should be so situated as to be able to exercise free power of choice, without the intervention of any element of force, fraud, deceit, duress, over-reaching, or other ulterior form of constraint or coercion; and should have ...
However, the extent to which LLMs can effectively replace human subjects across diverse experimental contexts remains unclear. Here, we conduct a large-scale study replicating 154 psychological experiments from top social science journals with 618 main effects and 138 interaction effects using GPT-4 as a simulated participant.
"Maruta" was the code-name for the human experimentation project. In Japanese the word directly translates as "wood that has been skinned" or "logs," which is how the test subjects were referred to.
Three within-subject experiments were conducted by providing students with answers to content questions across different subject matters (a definition, explanation, and example) offered by a human professor (subject-matter expert) versus generative artificial intelligence (ChatGPT). In a randomized order, students read both the expert and ...
Public attention was drawn to these questions by reported abuses of human subjects in biomedical experiments, especially during the Second World War. During the Nuremberg War Crime Trials, the Nuremberg code was drafted as a set of standards for judging physicians and scientists who had conducted biomedical experiments on concentration camp ...
Aquatic organisms are subject to various forcing factors that affect their structure, some of which are natural, while others result from human activities, both having variable effects. This study aimed to determine the importance of a natural stressor (zooplankton) and an herbicide (atrazine) on phytoplankton density and morphological composition in a microcosm experiment. A natural ...
Background. The coerced human experiments and research under National Socialism constitute a reference point in modern bioethics. 7 Yet discussions of consent and the need for safeguards for research subjects to date lack a firm basis in historical evidence. There has been no full evaluation of the numbers of victims of Nazi research, who the victims were, and of the frequency and types of ...